The EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its...Show moreThe EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its trade policies. Trade relations between the EU and developing countries have existed since the inception of the EU. For a long period, the EU has focused on the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries alone, due to their colonial ties with the EU, disregarding other developing countries. However, since the mid-1990s, the ACP countries have faced the consequences of a shifting paradigm in the EU when it comes to trade policy and development. This research focuses on the recent trade relations between the EU and ACP countries. Once the EU wishes to conclude new international trade agreements, such as the controversial Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament have important roles, which influence the course of the negotiations. This research looks at the behaviour of the Commission and the European Parliament during the negotiations of the new EPAs between 2002 and 2013. The literature on the power identity of the EU in international relations is extensive, but speaks about the EU as if it were a homogenous institution. It therefore fails to distinguish the different power identities of the European Institutions. This research provides an original contribution to existing literature by distinguishing the particular identities of the Commission and the European Parliament in international trade relations. A critical discourse analysis shows that the European Parliament prioritised the concerns of the ACP countries during the negotiations and emphasised the need for development-oriented EPAs. The European Parliament challenged the arguments and negotiation tactics of the Commission, which shows that it did not agree with the course taken and intended to hold the Commission accountable. Moreover, it illustrates that the European Parliament took on the task to represent not just EU citizens, but ACP citizens as well. The Commission, on the other hand, prioritised the opening up of ACP markets, which it claimed would lead to development, and the swift conclusion of the negotiations. The Commission avoided discussing the concerns raised by the ACP countries, tried to convince others of the positive atmosphere during the negotiations, and repeatedly claimed to only have the best interests at heart for ACP countries.Show less
The thesis analyses the process of Japanese trade liberalisation by examining a shift (on the surface) in the Japanese government’s attitude towards trade policies, and tries to explain why the Abe...Show moreThe thesis analyses the process of Japanese trade liberalisation by examining a shift (on the surface) in the Japanese government’s attitude towards trade policies, and tries to explain why the Abe government’s stance changed.Show less
On March 25 2013 the EU-Japan Economic Partnership (EPA) negotiations were officially started. This happened after the EU and Japan had experienced a hiatus of nearly two years (following the end...Show moreOn March 25 2013 the EU-Japan Economic Partnership (EPA) negotiations were officially started. This happened after the EU and Japan had experienced a hiatus of nearly two years (following the end of the 2001 Action plan in May 2011) during which it was not sure whether another official document between the two would ever be signed. Even at the moment of writing this thesis, now that negotiations have started and both the EU and Japan aim to finish the negotiations by the end of the year, it remains to be seen whether or not the finalization of the agreement will become a reality. Thus far most of the negotiations have been characterized by the EU and Japan trying to harmonize their tariff-, non-tariff barriers and import regulations. These barriers and regulations have hindered their mutual trade relations for the past decades in key industries such as the automobile and electronics industry. Because of the protective nature of both the EU and Japan towards these key industries a comprehensive agreement has yet to be reached, although some deals have been made in selected areas, such as safety regulations in cars. This skepticism is what is reflected in the majority of scholarly articles published on the topic as well. However, from the perspective of neo-realist theory this does not make sense. Both the EU and Japan have had stagnating economies for the past years and both want to improve their global economic power; the EU in the Asian region and Japan in the western world. The EU recently signed a FTA with South-Korea and Japan is trying to finalize a similar agreement with the US. The same problems that hinder the EU and Japan for the past years should have hindered these agreements as well, but for some reason they have not. The neo-realist perspective of relative gains trumping absolute gains is thus not completely accurate on this topic. What I want to find out in this thesis is to what extent non-governmental actors (NGAs) have influenced the development of the EU-Japan EPA negotiations. In order to do this I will look at one of the most influential industries for both the EU and Japan: the automobile industry. If the negotiations have been significantly influenced by NGAs, meaning recommendations of said actors have systematically found themselves implemented in governmental policies on the matter, the primarily neo-realist perspective that has found itself implanted in the majority of conclusions of scholarly articles on the topic is not accurate. If my expectations turn out to be true, a shift towards neo-liberalism is more appropriate as it includes the influences of said NGAs.Show less
