Once considered a purely elite-driven process far removed from the public, EU integration has become subject to mass politics in recent years. As a result, scholarly work on public opinion toward...Show moreOnce considered a purely elite-driven process far removed from the public, EU integration has become subject to mass politics in recent years. As a result, scholarly work on public opinion toward EU integration has expanded. While existing research has primarily centered on factors like identity, immigration stance, and economic interest to explain attitude variation, this paper highlights the underexplored role of personal values. Drawing on Schwartz’s theory of basic human values, it contends that individuals’ personal values significantly shape their attitudes toward EU integration. To mitigate cognitive dissonance, people align their actions and thoughts with the motivational goals prescribed by their personal values. Consequently, an individual’s stance on EU integration hinges on whether integration is conducive to the motivational objectives linked to their personal values. Conducting a cross-national study of 24 EU member states using data from the 9th round of the European Social Survey, the study finds mixed support for this argument. While human values generally influence attitudes toward EU integration, a noticeable discrepancy in impact magnitude between socially focused values (Conservation and Self-Transcendence) and personally focused values (Openness to Change and Self-Enhancement) emerges, with the latter exhibiting a diminished impact. Overall, the findings of this study support the idea that people rely on their personal values to make decisions and form attitudes on EU integration.Show less
This thesis explores how fiscal capacity and political tradition influence the industrial policy preferences of EU member states. In the context of recent geopolitical shifts and the relaxation of...Show moreThis thesis explores how fiscal capacity and political tradition influence the industrial policy preferences of EU member states. In the context of recent geopolitical shifts and the relaxation of EU state aid rules, concerns have risen regarding market fragmentation and unequal benefits among member states. By analysing the positions of Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Italy, the study demonstrates that fiscal capacity significantly shapes national stances, often in alignment with material interests. However, it also reveals that political tradition can modulate policy preferences in significant ways, leading to different outcomes for similar material circumstances. Germany and France, with higher fiscal capacities, show policy preferences that reflect their financial strengths, nuanced by their political traditions. Conversely, Italy and the Netherlands, with lower fiscal capacities, exhibit policy preferences driven by fiscal constraints modulated by ideological orientations. The research underscores the interplay between economic realities and political cultures, suggesting that future EU policy debates will be influenced by both fiscal capacity and deeply ingrained political traditions. This nuanced understanding provides insights into the complexity of the dynamics that drive EU industrial policy formulation.Show less
China and the European Union have, for a long time, sustained a cooperative, yet at the same time, antagonistic relationship. The surge in Chinese FDI in Europe, after the global financial crisis,...Show moreChina and the European Union have, for a long time, sustained a cooperative, yet at the same time, antagonistic relationship. The surge in Chinese FDI in Europe, after the global financial crisis, exacerbated unfavorable opinions of China, due to skepticism surrounding the intentions behind this investment increase. There is in place the belief that Chinese investment is negatively contributing to EU cohesiveness, by putting member states against each other to curry for China’s favour and secure investments, thus putting at risk the European order. The period post-2008 financial crisis saw Portugal becoming an important recipient of Chinese FDI, and as such, this paper analyzes the impact Chinese FDI has in Portuguese foreign policy and its integration in the EU. Portugal proves to be a unique case in comparison with other member states, due to its long-lasting relationship with China, and positive track record as a member of the EU. This dissertation examines this issue by using liberal intergovernmentalism and motivations behind Chinese investment, to argue that Portugal’s domestic interests play an important role in how it handles both China and the EU, as well as to defend that Chinese investment in Portugal as shown to be economically motivated. The results suggest that Portugal maintains a consistent and unchanged, for the most part, China policy. Furthermore, since most of Portugal’s domestic interests are met by the EU, according to liberal intergovernmentalism, in this way, it continues to contribute to its integration in the union. All in all, Chinese FDI in Portugal shouldn’t pose as a concern to the EU, seeing as the data reveals that Portugal’s top investors continue to be fellow member states, with China comprising a modest and slowly decreasing percentage. Therefore, the novelty of Chinese FDI in Europe continues to perpetuate an exaggerated anxiety, along with often unnecessary concerns, regarding the impact of said investment in Portugal.Show less
In light of the recent revival of the Franco-German Axis (Macron-Merkel) and advances in EU Security & Defence policy through PESCO, this thesis provides both a historical and political...Show moreIn light of the recent revival of the Franco-German Axis (Macron-Merkel) and advances in EU Security & Defence policy through PESCO, this thesis provides both a historical and political analysis of the special Franco-German relationship within the EU and its impact on integration by focussing on the policy area of Security & Defence in particular. It uses the theory of rational neo institutionalism to explain the process of EU integration in Security & Defence and the institutionalisation of bilateral relations between France & Germany. It moreover provides a case study in which the actual impact of the Franco-German order will be studied through process tracing of the integration process in security & defence after the Maastricht Treaty. In this case study the dysfunctionalities of the Franco-German engine and the lack of leadership in the area of security & defence is demonstrated in detail. However, the level of influence that both countries can exercise when they act together has been highly significant in the process of European Integration. The qualitative research that upholds this thesis consists of a vast number of academic sources including books, articles, and empirical studies. Next to that a number, of official EU documents and transcripts is used as part of the cases study.. However, this thesis does not fully analyse the vast number of other factors playing a role in the integration process concerning its scope.Show less
