This thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions...Show moreThis thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions policy as a fundamental basis, the expectations were that framing in a particular way would result in EU foreign policy reform, that policy entrepreneurs contributed to EU foreign policy reform, and that think tanks and swings of European mood contributed to EU foreign policy reform. Within this thesis, the imposition of sanctions against Russia represents the policy reform and window of opportunity through which policy reform can be realized. The cases of the annexations of Crimea and four Ukrainian regions were selected. To identify the factors at play, European news outlets, EU policy documents and meeting results, think tank reports and opinion polls have been consulted. The results revealed that policy entrepreneurs within the policy stream were responsible for the imposition of sanctions, despite continuous expression of dissatisfaction and use of the window of opportunity by think tanks. The discoveries within this thesis offer insights into the significant influence of factors found in the Multiple Streams Framework, contributing to existing literature on policymaking and opening avenues for further research.Show less
How can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis...Show moreHow can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis based on texts by the European Commission and European Parliament provides insights into how the EU constructs its own position in the international arena. Most importantly, the research establishes that both institutions are increasingly constructing the EU as a powerful, interest-driven, actor which should aim to develop capabilities similar to those of its constituent nation-states. Thereby, calls for a more 'geopolitical' EU are moved alongside the value-driven approach that was still dominant little over a decade ago.Show less
This thesis asks the question whether dependence on fossil fuels from Russia for domestic energy supply influenced the support for sanctions against Russia of EU member states following the Russian...Show moreThis thesis asks the question whether dependence on fossil fuels from Russia for domestic energy supply influenced the support for sanctions against Russia of EU member states following the Russian annexation of Crimea and activities in eastern Ukraine in 2014. Support for sanctions is measured using data from previous research by Silva II and Selden (2020). Using multiple regression analysis, several other explanatory factors are accounted for, including expected trade change, FDI stock and former membership of the Eastern Bloc. A small, significant, positive relation between fossil fuel dependence and support for sanctions is found. This leads to three main conclusions: First, energy dependence does not seem to negatively influence the support for sanctions against Russia by EU member states. Second, the analysis suggest a positive relation between these variables might exist. Third, the other explanatory factors accounted for each have no significant influence on support for sanctions. In this time when the EU-Russia energy relations are being reconsidered, this sheds an important light on the debate on energy security and interdependence theory in EU-Russia context.Show less
This thesis seeks to explain that the EU’s development as a counterterrorism actor collides with its identity as a normative power. The EU has created various instruments, among them the autonomous...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explain that the EU’s development as a counterterrorism actor collides with its identity as a normative power. The EU has created various instruments, among them the autonomous terror list, to portray itself as a capable counter-terrorism actor towards itself and its allies . However the success of its normative power relies on ability to show actors the merits of the norms. At the hand of a comparative case study of two cases, the Kurdish Workers’ Party and Hezbollah, this thesis will explore the EU’s choice for the use of sanctions against non-state actors and how it interferes with the identity of the EU as a normative power.Show less
The European Union’s approach towards the OPT on human rights has often been criticised for its conflicting interests, its internal division and coordination. However, simply renouncing the EU’s...Show moreThe European Union’s approach towards the OPT on human rights has often been criticised for its conflicting interests, its internal division and coordination. However, simply renouncing the EU’s effort in human rights promotion in the name of realism, neo-liberalism or Eurocentric imperialism does not offer clarifications why the EU is committed to universal human rights norms and as to why the EU proved to be very weak in projecting its human rights agenda. This thesis suggests a normative power approach to the study of EU human rights policy towards the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Vital to it is the assumption that EU human rights policy and the relation between the EU and Israel has been and should be normative. To analyse this assumption, this thesis draws upon the existing literature in regard to ‘Normative Power Europe’ and adopt Ian Manners tripartite analytical framework in order to assess the EU’s adherence to human rights norms and its external identity, illustrate how the EU diffuses human rights norms, and how the impact of this should be evaluated in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. In doing so, this thesis aims to add to the empirical abundance of NPE literature and applying normative power to the human rights dimensions of EU-Israeli relations. To address these goals, the research shows the inconsistencies between the EU’s rhetoric and the diffusion of norms in Israel’s policy. This thesis will argue that the EU has normative intentions but that this is not a precondition for firm action and the diffusion of human rights norms in Israel. The protection of human rights as core norm of the EU is easily sacrificed when it has to compete with (vital) self-interests such as a collective European identity, security interests and strategic interests. The extent to which the EU pursues a human rights agenda is nevertheless very limited to the detriment of the EU’s normative identity.Show less
“There’s no automaticity about the decision [to grant China market-economy treatment]. We need to make a formal decision and table a law.” Source: Interview with Cecilia Malmström, Wall Street...Show more“There’s no automaticity about the decision [to grant China market-economy treatment]. We need to make a formal decision and table a law.” Source: Interview with Cecilia Malmström, Wall Street Journal 2014 This quote by the European Union’s (EU) trade commissioner, Cecilia Malmström in an interview with the Wall Street Journal in 2014 represents the current state of affairs regarding the upcoming query on whether to grant China market economy status (MES) in 2016. Art. 15 (d) of China’s accession protocol to the World Trade Organization (WTO) stipulates that the ongoing non-market economy status (NMES) is no longer applicable after 2016. This pressures the EU to draft a proper decision on whether 2016 will be the year in which it recognizes China’s economy as a market economy, making it significantly more difficult to initiate anti-dumping duties against Chinese imports. This justifies the need to better understand the concept of MES and its influence on anti-dumping disputes between Europe and China. The WTO classifies dumping in Art. 2 of its anti-dumping agreement (ADA) and Art. VI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 as “[introducing a product] into the commerce of another country at less than its normal value”. By definition the ‘normal value’ refers to a “comparable price in the ordinary cause of trade” between international traders which determine whether competition is fair. Thus, it ensures that products are not ‘dumped’ on another economy for less than the domestic price in its country of origin. In that regard, MES becomes an important tool because it determines the ‘ordinary cause of trade’. Accordingly, a comparison between different markets can only be fair, if they operate under similar conditions: that of a market economy.Show less
In 2014 EU-China relations have been substantially reformed with a new comprehensive strategic partnership agreement. It is ever more important for the EU to have a coherent EU-wide policy approach...Show moreIn 2014 EU-China relations have been substantially reformed with a new comprehensive strategic partnership agreement. It is ever more important for the EU to have a coherent EU-wide policy approach towards China as it creates greater mutual benefits for all member states. With a trade volume of 428 billion€ in 2013 and annual trade growth rate of 6.8% since 2009, the PRC is one of the EU’s most significant partner in trade and vice versa. Moreover, both regions could potentially impact international relations altogether by jointly challenging conventional norms and US hegemony via international institutions. Yet, various disputes have previously hampered the success of the strategic partnership. These include uncertainty within the EU to what direction the partnership should take, and, the weak institutional mechanism of annual summits with no clear objective. The goal of this dissertation is therefore, to find out what has to change in the EU strategy and member states interest accumulation and perception of China that can make the relationship more effective. Accordingly, the following research questions were addressed: How can the EU-China strategic partnership be more effective and constructive in foreign policy making? 1. To what extent is the newly formulated Europe-China 2020 Strategic Agenda of 2013 an improvement of the EU-China strategic partnership? 2. Are British and German national foreign policies vis-á-vis China competing with each other, which ultimately hampers the effectiveness of the EU-China strategic partnership?Show less
