2004 was the year in which the European Union (EU) underwent its most extensive enlargement thus far, as ten former Soviet Union (SU) countries joined the EU. Within the SU, human rights were only...Show more2004 was the year in which the European Union (EU) underwent its most extensive enlargement thus far, as ten former Soviet Union (SU) countries joined the EU. Within the SU, human rights were only recognized for groups, which deviates from the Western perspective. This led to a strict pre-accession conditionality regarding the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights. The objective of this thesis is to identify and explain the compliance regarding human rights in these countries during the post-accession years, subsequent to the period of strict conditionality. This will be achieved through a comparative analysis of human rights indices from the CEE countries that joined during 2004-2007 enlargement wave from 1985 to 2016. Additionally, a case study will be employed to further investigate the topic. The findings indicate that those countries did not solely improve their human rights situation just to meet the EU-requirements for admission, and subsequently lost motivation to sustain these improvements after joining the EU. The countries changed their institutions and norms and are motivated by a desire to affirm their identities as members of a society, which results in the improvement of human rights. Based on the results of the analysis it could be stated that EU-Membership has a bigger influence on a countries’ human rights than domestic factors.Show less
This paper explores the nature of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy and its influence on the path to European strategic autonomy, which has increasingly become salient in EU politics in the...Show moreThis paper explores the nature of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy and its influence on the path to European strategic autonomy, which has increasingly become salient in EU politics in the past few years. Not only because of military escalation in the East or the instability in the European Neighbourhood with regard to migration, but upheaval in the structures we thought to be invincible as well: America and NATO, and Brexit. Unexpected changes don’t necessarily lead to instability when autonomy is guaranteed. How can this be achieved for the EU? After analysing said influence in four dimensions of European strategic autonomy, the reader is presented with the conclusion that the CSDP has only had a relatively small influence, and many problems with its DNA prevent the Union from taking the steps required to become self-sufficient in an increasingly hostile environment.Show less
The outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European...Show moreThe outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European Union corresponds with a ‘No’ vote. This thesis takes the analysis of the role of Eurosceptic voting a step further by using more explanatory models of Euroscepticism, giving insight on not only the relationship with Euroscepticism as a linear factor, but also as a multi-dimensional concept and a benchmark concept. With these models, this thesis shows that perceived utility of the EU - separate from trust in the EU - is an important factor that influenced the outcome of this Ukraine referendum. Beyond this, it shows that the referendum voters’ average trust in the EU’s policy and regime is lower than their trust in the national policy and regime. This leads to the conclusion that the Dutch voters have sent a message to The Hague and Brussels that they must put more effort in showing the Netherlands’ benefits through EU membership, for lack of confidence in the EU’s utility has been a key element in not accepting this international association agreement. On a methodological level, this thesis aims to contribute to a new research method predicated on the idea of ‘average towns’ because its data is collected based on the comparability of the municipality of Heemskerk with the Netherlands as a whole, in both demographics and voting outcomes.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
With Europe striving towards net zero carbon emissions, green hydrogen is a key priority in EU energy policy due to its significant potential for decarbonizing energy-intensive industries. Germany,...Show moreWith Europe striving towards net zero carbon emissions, green hydrogen is a key priority in EU energy policy due to its significant potential for decarbonizing energy-intensive industries. Germany, Europe’s largest economy and carbon-emitter, significantly shapes EU energy policy with its domestic Energiewende model, and has been among the first member states to pursue an explicit global hydrogen strategy as part of its foreign policy. However, given the country’s energy import-dependence on Russia, the latter’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and resulting breakaway of Russo-German trade relations has invoked a Zeitenwende (‘turning point’) in Germany’s foreign policy: diverging from past narratives on economic interdependence and market-driven politics, geopolitical and national security considerations are becoming more pronounced. This ‘paradigm shift’ thus has important implications for Germany’s hydrogen strategy, a cornerstone in its current foreign policy. Drawing onto critical geopolitics, this paper critically examines Germany’s hydrogen discourse since the onset of the war, and its repercussions for Europe’s and the global energy transition. The critical discourse analysis of official speeches and statements by the government between February 2022 (i.e. shortly after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine) and March 2023 reveals how the German government constructs and rationalizes its identity, interests and spatial beliefs about the international system vis-á-vis Russia in its geopolitical discourse on hydrogen. Contextualizing and discussing the assumptions driving Germany’s hydrogen discourse in the context of EU and international energy governance sheds light on how the government’s narrative (re)produces the geopolitics of hydrogen, and promotes a competitive policy framework that might risk undermining more cooperative and equitable efforts in the global energy transition.Show less
This study describes what supply chain cyber-attacks are and how the energy sector is affected by this problem. The goal of the paper is to answer the research question: ‘To what extent can an...Show moreThis study describes what supply chain cyber-attacks are and how the energy sector is affected by this problem. The goal of the paper is to answer the research question: ‘To what extent can an increased institutional cooperation between the EU and the US create more secure supply chains within the energy sector?’. By assessing the Dragonfly 2.0 and the NotPetya cyberattacks on specifically energy sector companies, the study shows the limitations of the sectors’ cyber resilience. Possibilities in creating a more secure energy sector and its supply chains are to be found in increased cooperation between states. The transatlantic cooperation between the EU and the US is analyzed to examine how the two can support each other in creating a more secure cyberspace in the energy sector. More specifically, neoliberal institutionalism is used to explain the cooperation between the two via institutions. When states cooperate via institutions, they need to follow the same rules and need to adhere to the same security standards. For the energy supply chains, this can be one of the main ways to increase security, as there are collective rules and standards for these interconnected and complex chains. The study tries to build upon this theory of institutional neoliberalism to explore when states are willing to cooperate via institutions.Show less
Gradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to...Show moreGradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to be violated. This has led to increasing efforts to hold IOs accountable for the consequences of their behavior. The costs for IOs of being accused of human rights violations in terms of punishment and lost legitimacy creates the incentive for them to avoid accountability. Yet how IOs avoid accountability for human rights violations has not been substantially studied. This thesis fills this gap by applying a theory of blame management to the context of Frontex, which in recent years has faced scrutiny for violating the non-refoulement rights of migrants at sea. In doing so this thesis challenges the popular understanding of IOs as institutions committed to the high road in global governance, particularly on matters of human rights. Through a single case study of Frontex this thesis scrutinizes and ultimately finds support for the argument that when put in the spotlight for alleged human rights violations, accountability and blame are avoided through denial, delay, diversion, and delegation rather than accepted.Show less
The European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of...Show moreThe European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of politicization and how it can be related to the European Central Bank in the period from 2003 to 2019. In this research there will be a focus on institutional politicization, meaning that it will look at institutional aspects of the ECB itself to see if they are politicized. To measure the relevance of politicization within this case study, four dimensions will be looked into: (1) the voting behavior, on recommendations for candidates for the ECB executive board, of the European parliament; (2) the questionnaires that the three candidates for ECB president received from the European parliament; (3) the communication strategy of the ECB; and (4) the centralization within the ECB. The findings suggest that the dimensions demonstrate potentially politicized aspects.Show less
Terrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and...Show moreTerrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and seeks to identify why states with similar characteristics respond differently to a common threat; through a comparative analysis of the cases of France and the United Kingdom. A securitization framework is applied to examine what ultimately leads to the variation of the actions in the two cases. The expectation is that intense securitization leads to a militaristic response, while low securitization levels lead to a criminal justice approach. The empirical analysis lends support to this argument; however, this study finds it possible that other explanatory factors might be interrelated to the proposed mechanism, influencing the result. This thesis, uses a framework of analysis that links the aspects of security and terrorism and endeavors to further contribute to the study of these topics.Show less
This thesis applies the actorness-framework of Bretherton and Vogler (2006) on the EU’s reaction to the annexation of Crimea and links this to the theoretical powers of the European Union, market...Show moreThis thesis applies the actorness-framework of Bretherton and Vogler (2006) on the EU’s reaction to the annexation of Crimea and links this to the theoretical powers of the European Union, market power, normative power, liberal power and protean power. It aims to create a clear view on the EU’s reaction by examining the scope, actorness, and the contents, powers, of this reactions. This is necessary as it is a case study of actorness of post-treaty of Lisbon Europe, to be able to form a basis for research on effectiveness and it allows the European Union to reflect on its response. This thesis recommends the creation of an European Crisis Management Team to enhance actorness and output. We conclude that the EU showed a medium degree of actorness, with high levels of normative and market powers, mixed with a medium degree of protean power.Show less
Thousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that...Show moreThousands of migrants trying to enter the EU are subjected to illegal pushbacks at the hands of the border protection functions of individual EU states. (In)securitization theory suggests that these illegal pushbacks warrant the need for political justification. Yet the primary current academic literature regarding the (in)securitization of migrants in the EU does not even recognize that the pushbacks are taking place. This research project first offers an altered conception of (in)securitization that can better account for the illegal practices taking place. This conception of (in)securitization emphasizes a process-centric approach to the concept’s application that focuses on both the actual (in)securitization attempts by actors and their motives, and the actual practices taken by border control agents. This is in contrast to the primary usage of (in)securitization that instead is restricted to establishing an abstractly conceived general (in)securitized context. Secondly, the reconceptualization is applied to the three cases where the most significant number of pushbacks are taking place; Romania, Hungary and Croatia. The project's findings suggest that (in)securitization theory must take a step back and align more closely with its original conception, that emphasized specific political motivations, to better capture the actual extraordinary practices that need political justification.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a series of projects spearheaded by China, aiming to establish a global infrastructural network connecting China and Europe, among others. The EU faces the reality of an externally initiated attempt to integrate the Chinese and European economies, without being asked for permission. China’s strategy has been a bottom up approach, reaching out to individual EU-member states and their publics with ambitions for bilateral agreements and mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, frictions caused by perceived incompatible political differences have been a source of turbulence for Sino-EU relations for decades. The impact of the BRI on these relations remains obscure, warranting research efforts. This thesis asks specifically how the BRI affects EU foreign policy towards China, using the pathways of connection framework to make inferences. The framework, founded in realism, liberalism and constructivism, takes a relational and practitioner-centred approach. To gather data, explaining-outcome process tracing is employed as a method, trying to provide minimally sufficient evidence to explain the occurrence of the phenomenon under study. The study finds that the BRI affects the EU and EU foreign policy in a broad range of categories, as China rigorously pursues its foreign policy interests. It concludes that Chinese efforts are met negatively by the EU, who in return tries to fortify its defences to prevent the BRI from growing roots on the European continent.Show less
