Language is a topic that has been routinely manipulated and contested in the political arena. It was a significant tool during the colonial era and has also acted as a force for social unity among...Show moreLanguage is a topic that has been routinely manipulated and contested in the political arena. It was a significant tool during the colonial era and has also acted as a force for social unity among divided peoples. Major empires have succeeded in subjugating the conquered by imposing their own language. This has led to minoritisation of languages that were once widely spoken in certain countries and regions. In the era of postcolonialism and multiculturalism, language continues to be a battleground where old fears and rivalries play out. In Western Europe, there are a range of official attitudes towards minority and regional languages. These attitudes are generally reflected in the status given (or not) to such languages by the governments in the affected countries. There is a lack of comparative work in the field at present, with most scholars focusing on individual cases. Through both positive (Republic of Ireland and Spain) and negative (Northern Ireland and Franco-era Spain) cases, this paper will show how economic and political power play a crucial role in preserving minority languages.Show less
At the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise...Show moreAt the turn of this millennium Russia stood before the behemoth task of rising from the ashes left behind by the chaotic 90's. Russia's seemingly endless natural resources and an accompanying rise in oil prices only go so far in its development. However, to gain relevance on the world stage beyond the constant military flexing and being an energy appendage to the upper echelon industrialised countries, it needs to produce marketable technologies and secure a spot among the greatest economies. At the end of the first decade a new paradigm in the way we transact information found prominence in the minds of the tech savvy, which turned into the explosive development of the Blockchain technology. This potentially revolutionary new technology has the characteristics to alter the social fabric in which old power structures become obsolete, but at the same time provide a golden opportunity for the relative young and unbound Russian IT sector to thrive and leave a global mark. The new generation technocrats plead for full scale adoption, regulation and development of this technology, but their older and politically more powerful Soviet rooted counter parts plead against the dangers of this shift in dynamics. In this work I looked at what the blockchain technology means for Russia and how the Russian authorities took a stance in adapting the technology.Show less
In this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and...Show moreIn this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and equal suffrage to ensure the epistemic value of political decision-making. If one takes the principles normative authority and legitimacy into account, then any restriction on equal voting rights on the grounds of elitism will result neither in a rule of government that is intrinsically better nor a rule of government that is superior in producing better outcomes than a democratic system.Show less
Major policy shifts are rare phenomena on a national level, and identifying the specific moments when these transitions take place is not always possible. In the case of the Netherlands, 1982...Show moreMajor policy shifts are rare phenomena on a national level, and identifying the specific moments when these transitions take place is not always possible. In the case of the Netherlands, 1982 proves to be an exception: the ‘Wassenaar Accord’ was a turning point in the governmental policymaking regarding the influence of labour unions and employers’ organisations, after years of economic malaise. The enduring lack of economic growth in combination with high inflation, known as stagflation during the 1970s, paved the way for the new cabinet to force employers’ organisations and trade unions into an agreement on wage cuts in exchange for shorter working years. New policies through a breakthrough agreement were needed because of what an Economist article from 1977 described as the ‘Dutch disease’: high unemployment and lack of economic growth despite natural resource exports. The timing of the negotiations in Wassenaar coincided with neoliberal economists taking over the IMF and the World Bank (Harvey 93). What does this remarkable transition tell us about the way states should handle economic events such as stagflation, or more specifically the Dutch disease? This research seeks to provide the background information on that matter and answer the following question: how should the Dutch policies which were meant to counter the Dutch disease be identified? The processes leading up to the Wassenaar Accord can be traced back to causal mechanisms which will clarify to what extend the Dutch policies where identifiable as policies befitting neocorporatism, if they shifted towards the international trend of neoliberalism and perhaps if the Netherlands found a third way between the two established explanations.Show less
Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
