“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes...Show more“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes at the international level allowing different states to shift their perceived power. Their positions actively affects the discourse, influencing processes like agenda-setting, policy-making and hydropower plans. This paper analyses the struggle between Egypt and Ethiopia within the hydro-hegemonic framework assessing the different practices employed by Cairo to (re-)assert its position as the most powerful player in the Nile River Basin complex, the hegemon.”Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at...Show more“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at the social structure around males. This article defines hegemonic and marginalized masculinities in Egypt and seeks to map out the influence the state has on creation, reproduction, and manipulation of these concepts. Rising from the context of neoliberal reforms, the security state is discriminating against a certain part of the population, especially working-class young men. They feel emasculated by the state authorities, while simultaneously manipulated into conforming to the hegemonic masculinity that the state promotes. Looking at the influence of the Egyptian security state on gender dynamics opens up a possibility to place gender topics into the wider understanding of the significant global patterns.”Show less
This paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the...Show moreThis paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the debate on the concept of Middle Powers. While Egypt lacks economic power, it still perceives itself as a Middle Power and acts as such due to its ambitions, and large military capabilities. In the first empirical chapter it is found that Egypt’s historical legacy has embedded the notions of independence, external economic assistance and counter-Islamism in its foreign policy. In the second empirical chapter, the interests of Sisi’s government were identified as matching the historical constants of Egypt’s foreign policy, which also explains his support for Assad. Then, it was found that Egypt’s interests are conflicting with those of its main allies and donors – the United States (US), Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), but are rather convergent with the interests of Russia and China. Therefore, Egypt cannot overly support the Assad regime in Syria as this would potentially lead to a loss of needed financial aid.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way street children are perceived on these different levels influences policy approach. Street children are rejected by Egyptian society, and a negative stereotype about them dominates the public view. The choices that street children must make in their daily life accentuate these stereotypes. A recent paradigm shift in academia has led aid organizations from viewing street children as passive subjects of charity towards a more human rights-based approach. Despite this paradigm shift, the government has yet to adapt its policy and continues to treat street children as delinquents. This thesis calls for more research on the topic of street children, in order to map out the magnitude of the problem. Furthermore, I suggest that unless street children are perceived the same on all levels, no adequate solution will be found to the growing problem.Show less
In 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as...Show moreIn 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as a developing country. From the period of the 1950s until 2000s, there have been multiple attempts to apply different economic reforms in Egypt. However, the reforms also affected the concept of Islamic revival in the context of setting the guidelines to practice business. This thesis focuses on the implication of neoliberalism concept, especially in terms of wealth accumulation from the year 1970s. Arguably, neoliberalism also shaped the Islamic practice into the notion of ‘pious neoliberalism’ in Egypt. The phenomenon of ‘pious neoliberalism’ will be analyzed through the emergence of the Islamic Banking and Finance (IBF) and the halal food industry in Egypt and the practicality of it. The research concludes that there is a new phenomenon of Islamization that is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism. The research, thus, explores how this new phenomenon of Islamization, shaped by pious neoliberalism, is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Oude culturen van de mediterrane wereld (Bachelor)
open access
Throughout history religion has played an important role, as a means of connecting people, maintaining political power and social order, from the Ancient Near East to the Middle Ages and onwards to...Show moreThroughout history religion has played an important role, as a means of connecting people, maintaining political power and social order, from the Ancient Near East to the Middle Ages and onwards to the 21st century. This thesis will focus on the role of religious festivals in Ancient Egypt and Ancient Rome, the function these fulfilled in a socio-political context, and on how the two cultures differ from one another. In the case of Egypt, the state cult by which I refer to religious practices where the Pharaoh or priests appointed by him mediated between gods and men, was not accessible to the commoner. This in turn must have led to social tensions and inequality. During the festivals, the state cult was made more ‘accessible’ . The Roman festival we will be looking at, which is the Saturnalia, on the other hand, initiated a complete role reversal on a social level.Show less
In Egypt, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) continues to have a high prevalence, despite the recent criminalization of the practice. One possible reason why FGM holds on to its important position in...Show moreIn Egypt, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) continues to have a high prevalence, despite the recent criminalization of the practice. One possible reason why FGM holds on to its important position in society is its link to the social and personal identity of the women themselves as well as their families. (Arts-based) Peacebuilding initiatives have used this link between FGM and identity to encourage Egyptians to abandon the practice. In the following thesis, this link is examined more closely, and it is examined why the link to identity is so important to peacebuilding initiatives.Show less
In 2016, the exhibition When Art Becomes Liberty: The Egyptian Surrealists (1938-1965) was held in Cairo. While focusing on the Cairo exhibition When Art Becomes Liberty as a curatorial project on...Show moreIn 2016, the exhibition When Art Becomes Liberty: The Egyptian Surrealists (1938-1965) was held in Cairo. While focusing on the Cairo exhibition When Art Becomes Liberty as a curatorial project on the memory of the Art and Liberty Group, the essay addresses the question of to what extent this exhibition problematizes the notions of nationalism in the cultural memory narrative of present-day Egypt.Show less
Corruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the...Show moreCorruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the war against corruption is yet to be a triumphed one. None of the traditional methods of tackling corruption that were applied by governments, nongovernment actors, or even global institutions such as the World Bank and Transparency International, have ever truly succeeded. Arguably, this can be due to the lack of innovation and the mere following of the traditional steps for battling corruption. Therefore, the paper will aim to illustrate that a new solution can arise from moving towards digitalised governance, in an attempt to reduce corruption in the public sector. Particular focus will be directed towards blockchain technology, as the thesis will contend that the adoption thereof offers the promise of significantly improving the Egyptian land registry, and curbing the corruption that is embedded within it. To verify this hypothesis, the thesis will look at Brazil’s blockchain-based solution and will examine the technology through a diffusion-of-innovation perspective.Show less
To understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and...Show moreTo understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and cultural dimensions to argue how the shift in civil-military relations resulted in the Egyptian military facilitating a transition of power from Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. By arguing about the shift in civil-military relations, this study uncovers that facilitating a transition of power as opposed to supporting the regime of Mubarak might have been 20 years in the making. Because of a shift from a clientelist relationship between the military and Mubarak to an internal clientelist relationship, the economic and political rise of Gamal Mubarak and the position the military holds within society based on a cultural-historic perspective, support for Mubarak became unlikely. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the theoretical critique on Huntington’s institutional theory by challenging the limited scope it offers to study civil-military relations.Show less
National identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the...Show moreNational identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the defining of national identity and the construction of national belonging is especially crucial to the social stability and the social development. Egyptians identity issue merged in 19th century, when Egyptian intellectuals were influenced by Western “nation state” thought and tried to identify the national identity of Egyptians. From the 19th century to 1967, we can find that the development process of Egyptian nationalism has a clue --- from a vague distinction of “Egyptians” and “un-Egyptians” to an attempt of construction the national history; from “the lack of nationalism” to the struggle between different kinds of nationalism to the dominant of Arabism. However, the disastrous rout of Egypt in 1967 Arab-Israeli War cut down this process and a series of political events in Sadat era was finally resulted in a new identity crisis in Egypt society. In that case, Egyptian government had no option but to re-shape the Egyptian national identity for the sake of repairing the crack of society which made by the identity crisis and maintaining its legitimacy. In Sadat era, Egyptian government amended history textbooks, constructed some new national museums and introduced some new symbols. However, The measures undertaken by the Egyptian government under Sadat did not create a new consensus over what the ‘Egyptian nation’ is. Quite on the contrary, many national identities compete with each other but none of them can be a dominant ideology.Show less
After the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 the belligerent powers signed the Armistice Agreement of 1949. The agreement, however, would be anything but a proper armistice. As soon as it was signed,...Show moreAfter the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 the belligerent powers signed the Armistice Agreement of 1949. The agreement, however, would be anything but a proper armistice. As soon as it was signed, there were talks of a 'second round', another war in essence, in which the Arab states declared they would succeed in defeating Israel and wiping it of the map. During the period between the agreement and the war of 1956, the antagonism between Israel and Egypt in particular grew as a result of a series of events; events that were characterised as threats to Israel's national security. Considering these treats, it has often been argued that the reason for Israel to conduct a military invasion against Egypt in 1956 was merely a reaction. This premise, however, is highly disputed within the historiography surrounding Egypt and Israel in the run up to the War of 1956. Taking this dichotomy within the historiography as the point of departure, this study will address each of the Egyptian threats accordingly and determine to what extent Israel's national security was threatened by them. Did these threats undermine Israel's national security to such an extent that they forced Israel to reluctantly mount a pre-emptive strike against Egypt?; or were the threats instead used as pretexts to launch a much desired Israeli military strike?Show less
Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
