Egypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural,...Show moreEgypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural, industrial and real estate sector where water as a production factor is needed to satisfy increasing demands. The water needs of these three sectors were changed in the 1990s when Egypt introduced a set of neoliberal reforms as a requirement for deeper integration into the international political economy. In this context, water became a significant development asset and the three sectors in question turned into the biggest water consumers. Several water amelioration policies and programs have therefore been implemented in order to guarantee water availability, accessibility and sustainability. The thesis focuses on these water amelioration programs in the three sectors and uses a dual theoretical approach for outlining water management practices.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
National identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the...Show moreNational identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the defining of national identity and the construction of national belonging is especially crucial to the social stability and the social development. Egyptians identity issue merged in 19th century, when Egyptian intellectuals were influenced by Western “nation state” thought and tried to identify the national identity of Egyptians. From the 19th century to 1967, we can find that the development process of Egyptian nationalism has a clue --- from a vague distinction of “Egyptians” and “un-Egyptians” to an attempt of construction the national history; from “the lack of nationalism” to the struggle between different kinds of nationalism to the dominant of Arabism. However, the disastrous rout of Egypt in 1967 Arab-Israeli War cut down this process and a series of political events in Sadat era was finally resulted in a new identity crisis in Egypt society. In that case, Egyptian government had no option but to re-shape the Egyptian national identity for the sake of repairing the crack of society which made by the identity crisis and maintaining its legitimacy. In Sadat era, Egyptian government amended history textbooks, constructed some new national museums and introduced some new symbols. However, The measures undertaken by the Egyptian government under Sadat did not create a new consensus over what the ‘Egyptian nation’ is. Quite on the contrary, many national identities compete with each other but none of them can be a dominant ideology.Show less
After the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 the belligerent powers signed the Armistice Agreement of 1949. The agreement, however, would be anything but a proper armistice. As soon as it was signed,...Show moreAfter the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 the belligerent powers signed the Armistice Agreement of 1949. The agreement, however, would be anything but a proper armistice. As soon as it was signed, there were talks of a 'second round', another war in essence, in which the Arab states declared they would succeed in defeating Israel and wiping it of the map. During the period between the agreement and the war of 1956, the antagonism between Israel and Egypt in particular grew as a result of a series of events; events that were characterised as threats to Israel's national security. Considering these treats, it has often been argued that the reason for Israel to conduct a military invasion against Egypt in 1956 was merely a reaction. This premise, however, is highly disputed within the historiography surrounding Egypt and Israel in the run up to the War of 1956. Taking this dichotomy within the historiography as the point of departure, this study will address each of the Egyptian threats accordingly and determine to what extent Israel's national security was threatened by them. Did these threats undermine Israel's national security to such an extent that they forced Israel to reluctantly mount a pre-emptive strike against Egypt?; or were the threats instead used as pretexts to launch a much desired Israeli military strike?Show less
Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
The Egyptian Revolution of January 25th 2011 was a turning point for Egyptian domestic politics but also for its foreign policy in defining its role both within the region and in the international...Show moreThe Egyptian Revolution of January 25th 2011 was a turning point for Egyptian domestic politics but also for its foreign policy in defining its role both within the region and in the international arena. After an anchored 30-year-old regime, Egypt witnessed rapid transitions between the rule of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), an interim president and two elected presidents within a period of only 6 years. Thus, the Arab spring and the rapid regime transitions have significantly played a role in shaping Egypt’s foreign policy and respectively, Egypt’s role.Today’s Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, is bringing the historical and traditional sense back to Egypt’s foreign policy. History, geography, size have previously shaped Egypt to be a leading power of the region. However, as it faces internal upheaval, Egypt seems to be culturally, politically and economically dormant from its dominant role. The Egyptian foreign policy may be currently under revision but it has an opportunity to re-define the role of Egypt in the region. This paper will first outline the historical roots and developments of the Egyptian foreign policy constructed under Nasser and Sadat, and progressed under Mubarak. Although both leaders pursued regional power, they led different ideologies which will be elaborated by opposing theories: raison de nation and constructivism led by Morsi on the one hand and raison d’état and realism on the one hand led by Sisi.Show less
Abstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This...Show moreAbstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This research questions the extent of EU norms diffusion in order to liberalize civil societies. Consequently, it suggests linking normative goals, means, and impact to different diffusion strategies. It is found that the EU is in the starting phase of promoting democracy towards the Egyptian civil society. In order to expand the bottom-up approach, it should invest in its visibility and accessibility.Show less
Was Sadat an idealist or a pragmatist? In this thesis the deeds of Sadat are compared to his believes, mostly based on what is written in his autobiografie.
In a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this...Show moreIn a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this etic phenomenon of our modern day globalization onto the ancient world. And not without avail, research has found that cultural interaction did indeed take place in the ancient world, although we need to keep in mind that the emic perspective might have been a bit different from our own. A lot of intercultural interaction took place in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Bronze Age. During this period ships filled with luxurious gifts and exotic merchandise were plying the seas. However, this transfer of material culture did not only occur through trade or gift exchange, but also through warfare and travelling craftsmen. The transfer of non-material culture also took place, for example through the transfer of techniques and ideas. This could also take the form of motif transference. This thesis examines the phenomenon of motif transference between the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt during the Bronze Age. Besides the acculturation between two cultures, it is also possible for cultural interaction to take place between three or more cultures. This is reflected in the art of the Bronze Age, in which some motifs were shared by the artistic traditions of the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt. The transfer in style as well as technology and iconography created a new level of hybridity that lasted until the end of the Late Bronze Age and which is often called the international style. But the objects which are considered to belong to the international style, were not the only ones displaying a common style. Throughout the Eastern Mediterranean frescoes were found with motifs from the Aegean artistic tradition, which were produced during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. They are found in geographically important cities, which were located along important trade routes. These paintings were found at Alalakh, Miletus and Hattusa in Turkey, Qatna in Syria, Tel Kabri in Israel, Tell el-Dab’a, Malkata and Amarna in Egypt and display hybrid influences in iconography as well as technology. The goal of this thesis is to determine if the much-debated international style at present has a too narrow definition, which might need to be expanded to include these frescoes. This study tries to determine whether or not the palatial art found in the Eastern Mediterranean can be seen as a part of the international style.Show less
This thesis explores the link between migration and food security in Egypt, both in the short and longer term. Instead of relying on predictions and extrapolations typical of traditional...Show moreThis thesis explores the link between migration and food security in Egypt, both in the short and longer term. Instead of relying on predictions and extrapolations typical of traditional forecasting techniques, it uses the novel concept of 'scenario'. The question guiding this research can be summarized as follows: "What do the certainties and uncertainties of possible future migration trends reveal about food security issues in Egypt?". The research results in two scenario matrices, of which two possible scenario outcomes are further elaborated on.Show less
Master thesis | Theology and Religious Studies (Master)
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In this master thesis I explore whether we can discover a link between the positions on nationalism and Nazism taken by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn and Sayyid Quṭb. In other words, does their particular...Show moreIn this master thesis I explore whether we can discover a link between the positions on nationalism and Nazism taken by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn and Sayyid Quṭb. In other words, does their particular redefinition of Egypt after independence from Britain lead them through a tunnel of love/hate, directly to the other end, i.e. a particular response to Nazism? Or is the path not necessarily as straight as we might think it to be?Show less
This thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia...Show moreThis thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia since early 2011. It conducts a thorough textual analysis of major European Neighbourhood Policy documents and ‘speech acts’ related to Egypt and Tunisia, using Norman Fairclough’s three- dimensional Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In each instance of ENP discourse, this study sees a text, a discursive practice and a social practice. It identifies the particular discursive configurations of democracy promotion in these text samples, noting a significant change in tone since the launch of the ENP in 2003. More specifically, it points to the new neighbourhood agenda developed by the EU since the wave of protests in the Middle-East and North Africa, characterised by greater ownership of ENP policies by EU partners, considerable differentiation in their objectives and a heightened concern for the stabilisation of the region. Rooted in a critical, constructivist approach to discourse analysis, it eventually contends that the seemingly less voluntarist narrative developed in South Neighbourhood policy documents is the result of higher threat perception in the Union. A threat narrative is indeed highlighted, as a particular instance of a crisis rhetoric, resulting in a notable downscaling of EU normative ambitions in the region. Investigation of the Egyptian and Tunisian cases since 2011 provides important information regarding these developments in the ENP. This thesis eventually points to civil society assistance as a narrative of inclusiveness which could prove to be a significant addition to ENP democracy promotion agenda, while recognising the limits of this endeavour.Show less
This thesis studies the continued claim to credibility of Arab state media following the Arab Uprisings which began in 2010. Surveys conducted on countries across the Middle East have shown a rise...Show moreThis thesis studies the continued claim to credibility of Arab state media following the Arab Uprisings which began in 2010. Surveys conducted on countries across the Middle East have shown a rise in local consumption of national media, including state media, despite the proliferation of available news sources in the information revolution. Using qualitative survey analysis and interviews, this thesis attempts to probe at the underlying reasons behind this phenomenon, using Egypt as the main case study.Show less
Master thesis | Classics and Ancient Civilizations (MA)
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The main focal point of this thesis are the imperial statues of Roman Egypt. Two distinct styles can be recognized in the sculptures: a traditional Egyptian style and a classical Roman style. The...Show moreThe main focal point of this thesis are the imperial statues of Roman Egypt. Two distinct styles can be recognized in the sculptures: a traditional Egyptian style and a classical Roman style. The research question is dual: Are the stylistic differences of imperial statues from Egypt related to differences in provenance? And does a connection between style and function of imperial statues exist? After giving a general introduction to Roman Egypt and the changes that Roman rule brought forth on a political and military level, a corpus of 37 statues is discussed. The characteristics of each statue are described, with special attention to their provenance. In the fourth chapter contemporary archaeological and written sources are treated, as well as existing theories on the placement and functions of imperial statues. Afterwards the research results are presented and a clear conclusion is drawn.Show less
Suez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez...Show moreSuez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez was genuinely the center of the unprecendented uprising, as it was the first city to rise up against Hosni Mubarak. Likewise, Suez was also sadly known for being the city where the first protester was killed in Egypt during the January 2011 uprisings. Therein, Suez was renowned across Egypt for carrying ‘The Flame of Revolution‘. As such, some activists referred to Suez as the ‘Egyptian Sidi Bouzid’.Show less