This research aims at analysing how women in Egypt have used comic books and graphic novels to portray feminist comics activism. It focuses on the case study of Deena Mohamed using content analyses...Show moreThis research aims at analysing how women in Egypt have used comic books and graphic novels to portray feminist comics activism. It focuses on the case study of Deena Mohamed using content analyses of the second part of Deena Mohamed’s graphic novel Shubeik Lubeik and her webcomic Qahera. The content analyses have shown the presence of feminist comics activism in both works. They tackle the issues of gender inequality, gender-based violence, corruption, class difference, stereotyping and depression, However, the chapter from the Shubeik Lubeik novel consisted of a less prominent display of feminist comics activism further argued through not meeting the requirements of activist communication. This can be explained by the fact that Shubeik Lubeik was a printed novel that needed to be screened by a publisher. Whilst the Qahera webcomic was published online and entirely independent allowing it more freedom regarding its content.Show less
Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found...Show moreSince the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, many scholars have acknowledged its transformative effect on international relations. Notably, Southeast Asian states have been found to pursue a foreign policy strategy of strategic hedging between China as a rising power, and the United States (US) as their long-time ally. However, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region also plays a key role in the execution of this New Silk Road. Despite this, there is a gap in the literature regarding how these states may respond to the rise of China through this new initiative. Egypt, which holds a significant position in the transportation routes due to its dominance of the Suez Canal, is a key player in this initiative, but remains overlooked in discussion about the BRI’s role in the new world order. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate to what extent Egypt is using the BRI and increased Chinese influence to hedge against the US. Drawing on the emerging theory of strategic hedging, this study assesses the theory’s applicability to the case study of Egypt as a secondary power in the MENA region. Through qualitative analysis of key economic and military factors, as well as expert interviews, this analysis provides two main findings. Firstly, Egypt is pursuing a hedging strategy towards the US through increased economic engagement with China. Secondly, this strategy is characterized by economic hedging, a less competitive form of hedging that allows Egypt to maintain relatively more positive relations with the US. Finally, this thesis suggests that further research should focus on detailed data regarding Egyptian domestic factors, and the applicability of hedging to other BRI participants in the MENA region, to provide a more comprehensive exploration of strategic hedging in International Relations (IR) theory.Show less
This study investigates how political activism evolves and changes from the homeland to the diasporic setting through an analysis of the case of Egypt. Drawing from interviews with four Egyptian...Show moreThis study investigates how political activism evolves and changes from the homeland to the diasporic setting through an analysis of the case of Egypt. Drawing from interviews with four Egyptian activists now residing in Europe, the research highlights how, fleeing repression under an authoritarian regime, Egyptian activists continue to engage in activism and politics in the host countries. In this sense, different forms of activism are explored: human rights, online, grassroots and journalistic activism. The findings reveal that activists tend to shift from a mostly domestic to an international focus, using the opportunities and the freedom they experience abroad as a tool to engage in broader human rights issues. Egyptian activists are inserted into transnational networks and foster diasporic connections with other exiled activists. These influence the forms, goals and perception of their activism, as they facilitate collective actions that exceed state borders, especially around causes such as Palestine. Due to the limited scope and sensitive nature of the research, a small number of interviews have been conducted. However, the paper is able to provide relevant insights into the reality of exile and into different forms of engagement of political activism in the diaspora. The paper thus contributes to the academic debate on the political potentials of diaspora, calling for further research on exilic activism, particularly in contexts of repressive regimes.Show less
In Egypt, the eradication of informal housing is a cornerstone of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s urban development agenda. While prevailing state narratives portray the demolition and relocation...Show moreIn Egypt, the eradication of informal housing is a cornerstone of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s urban development agenda. While prevailing state narratives portray the demolition and relocation of informal settlements as positive advancements, a critical examination of the broader political and economic dynamics driving urban development policies challenge these portrayals. Characterisations of informal communities as hotbeds for criminality and extremism serve the dual purpose of rationalising their destruction while bolstering al-Sisi’s image as a hero in the ‘war on terror,’ a strategy central to fortifying his disputed legitimacy. The removal of informal settlements in strategic locations allows the government to capitalise on the newly vacated land and attract investment capital to remedy adverse effects of the mismanaged economy. Additionally, the military, deeply entrenched in the economy, stands to benefit from these development strategies and the neoliberal authoritarian governance enforcing them. The ongoing conversion of the agricultural island of al-Warraq into upscale ‘Horus Island’ is taken as a case study to exemplify these patterns, foregrounding the voice and agency of affected residents while employing Henri Lefevbre’s concept of a “right to the city” and Asef Bayat’s notion of a “quiet encroachment of the ordinary.” A critical examination of the political, economic, and social consequences of al-Sisi’s urban development approach underscores the need for an ongoing re-appraisal of informal development by Egyptian policymakers, within academia, and policy recommendations by international organisations.Show less
The years between the 1940s and late 1980s were seen as turbulent ones from economists and international relations theorists. The dichotomous economic division between the main blocks of the Cold...Show moreThe years between the 1940s and late 1980s were seen as turbulent ones from economists and international relations theorists. The dichotomous economic division between the main blocks of the Cold War spread differently in different parts of the world. The Middle East is a region of no exception when it comes to global Cold War dynamics on a local level. In this thesis I argue that these local dynamics (Arab Cold War) were brought to an end because of the economic entanglement between Egypt and Saudi Arabia. This entanglement, in turn, facilitated by the presence of the IMF in Egypt in the form of neoliberalisation policies, created a positive environment for the development of an economic interdependency that thus ended the Arab Cold War.Show less
This thesis compares the archaeobotanical remains from two Roman-era, Egyptian port sites: Berenike and Myos Hormos. A focus is put on the origin of the discovered materials, particularly in the...Show moreThis thesis compares the archaeobotanical remains from two Roman-era, Egyptian port sites: Berenike and Myos Hormos. A focus is put on the origin of the discovered materials, particularly in the context of the Silk Routes trade network of which these ports were a part. It concludes that Berenike seemingly had a larger focus on trade with Africa than Myos Hormos. Also, while both ports had Indian goods in their record, none seemed to have had a more pronounced focus on that subcontinent, although that was hypothesized beforehand. Furthermore, Berenike shows a decrease in the variety of goods traded after its period of inactivity in the 2nd and 3rd century, especially in regards to Indian goods. However, the variety and amount of local and African goods increased. The concurrent demise of Myos Hormos in this period did not seem to have an effect on the traded goods. Finally, this thesis served as a good example of how comparitive research beyond the level of the individual site could benefit the field of Silk Routes research, and which challenges this approach faces.Show less
Fear among other emotions plays an important role in shaping political outcomes, especially during periods of uncertainty. In this paper, ‘the politics of fear’ is taken as the theoretical basis...Show moreFear among other emotions plays an important role in shaping political outcomes, especially during periods of uncertainty. In this paper, ‘the politics of fear’ is taken as the theoretical basis and is explored through a case study of the democratic transition period in Egypt from 2011 to 2013. The aim is to investigate how fear led to the ultimate failure of this transition. This paper demonstrates that fear was experienced, instrumentalized and exacerbated by three main groups in Egypt during this period, the elite, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the leftists and seculars. Looking beyond Egypt, ‘the politics of fear’ can be used to explain other periods of political uncertainty in different contexts.Show less
Authoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting...Show moreAuthoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting the pressure of democratisation. Both authoritarian consolidation, referring to the employment of authoritarian tactics by a regime to increase its stability, as well as the related sub-concept of authoritarian adaptation, meaning learning processes of a regime and respective adjustment of these authoritarian tactics in the wake of challenges to a regime, are crucial to the understanding of the debate on authoritarian resilience. Drawing on scholarship on this debate, most notably the theoretical conceptualisations by Göbel, who classified the tactics for authoritarian regime survival into despotic, infrastructural, and discursive powers, I develop a theoretical framework for regime consolidation in the wake of popular discontent and protest. Applying the framework to the case study of the authoritarian Al-Sisi regime in Egypt shows how the regime adapted its tactics to consolidate in the light of the challenges of popular discontent and protest and ultimately survived. This underscores the significance of the concept of authoritarian consolidation to authoritarian resilience. Furthermore, it substantiates how the skilful and well-integrated application of authoritarian adaptation contributes to authoritarian stability. Therefore, such an analysis provides a more comprehensive understanding of authoritarian regime dynamics and the concept of authoritarian resilience.Show less
The word innovation has existed ever since humanity started, and that word has had different meanings throughout history. It has gone through many changes when at times it was considered a sin or...Show moreThe word innovation has existed ever since humanity started, and that word has had different meanings throughout history. It has gone through many changes when at times it was considered a sin or heresy to a definition that embodies prosperity and growth, it rather continuously shifts from having a negative connotation to a positive meaning. The aim of this research is to discover what innovation means to Egyptian workers in the technology industry through qualitative discourse analysis, trying to tap into their concept of innovation by conducting in-depth interviews using both inductive and deductive approaches.Show less
This thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the...Show moreThis thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth century. The significance of the Egyptian overland route in this period has often been overlooked when compared to the later overland mail established by Thomas Waghorn in the 1830s and the Suez Canal. This thesis will provide a reassessment of the overland route’s commercial and geopolitical significance to the British Empire during the period of George Baldwin’s two residencies in Egypt; first as a merchant (1775-1779) and then as the first British Consul-General to Egypt (1786-1798). The growing realisation of the route’s strategic significance by British policymakers, like Henry Dundas, predates the Napoleonic Expedition and will be examined in relation to Baldwin’s consular appointment in 1786. The commercial value of the route will be assessed by looking at the private trade of Baldwin and his associates during both residencies and is something that casts doubt on the traditional view that the Middle East experienced commercial decline in this period. Most significantly, this thesis will focus on the strategic importance of the route to the British position in India. The significance of Egypt increased as the East India Company transitioned into a territorial power in 1770s and 1780s. This meant that Baldwin’s role was a strategic necessity; something shown by a series of case studies on the sieges of Pondicherry in 1778 and 1793 as well as the transfer of Ceylon to the British in 1796.Show less
After a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will...Show moreAfter a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will examine how Nasser challenged the pursuit of American Cold War interests in the Middle East. Nasser’s entire period of leadership will be covered: from January 1953 when the coup had just taken place until September 1970 when Nasser died. By means of a very extensive examination of the archival documents of the Foreign Relations of the United States series, this research will show that Nasser, as a powerful leader of a secondary power, was capable of seriously obstructing the pursuit of Middle Eastern interests of a superpower like the United States. Interestingly, this case study of the relations between Nasser and the US interests in the Middle East over the course of 18 years will show that Nasser’s ability to challenge the pursuit of American interests in the Middle East mainly derived from the continued American attempts to get closer to Nasser, even though he proved time and again that he could not be trusted to cooperate with. The Americans apparently valued the influence of powerful secondary powers in the Cold War very highly and therefore put a lot of effort in the attempts to get these powers to align with the American side of the global Cold War rivalry.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
Child marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that ...Show moreChild marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that "only poor people marry their daughters off at an early age". To what extent are girls protected by their countries laws, and are the underlying causes the same in the three countries or are there significant differences?Show less
The study covers the topic of sustainable development and the tourism industry in Egypt with a special focus on environmental degradation. The overarching research question for the study is ‘How...Show moreThe study covers the topic of sustainable development and the tourism industry in Egypt with a special focus on environmental degradation. The overarching research question for the study is ‘How does the tourism industry affect sustainable development in Egypt?’ Three case studies were used in order to demonstrate how the industry has affected the environment of the Red Sea. Based on the analysis of the case studies conclusions have been drawn concerning the effect on environmental degradation and how this subsequently affect the other two areas of sustainable development, social and economic development, in the long – term. The results of the paper show that the tourism industry, although it may have short – term positive social and economic effects, have long – term overall negative effects. The focus on long – term development here is critical for this conclusion, since sustainable development implies long – term development through which the current generation can fulfil their needs without jeopardizing the ability of future generations to fulfil theirs. If the tourism industry continues their current practices of environmental degradation, it will destroy the very environment on which the industry relies for many of its activities but also the very environment on which humanity relies. Environmental degradation of the Red Sea in particular also affects the fishing industry which is another important sector of the Egyptian economy. A loss of revenue both within the sector itself, and other economic sectors relying on the environment may lead to increased unemployment and thus a decrease in general social well – being. This demonstrates how the tourism industry can have long – term negative economic and social effects on the society as a whole. Lastly, the discussion brings up the issue that political instability causes to the tourism sector and the relationship between them. A faltering tourism industry as a result of environmental degradation can contribute to further political unrest due to increased environmental and economic difficulties, thus creating a vicious cycle of negative effects. This clearly demonstrates the importance of developing sustainable practices within the tourism industry, not just for economic reasons within the industry, but for the stability of the Egyptian society as a whole.Show less
