This thesis researches the failed Romanization of first-century Judaea. It interprets this period by using Millett's theory on Romanization to research the development of the indigenous elites of...Show moreThis thesis researches the failed Romanization of first-century Judaea. It interprets this period by using Millett's theory on Romanization to research the development of the indigenous elites of Judaea and their role in the causes of the Jewish War in 67-70CE.Show less
A review of the literature on the political landscape of post-revolutionary Egypt identifies a widening gap between the elite. Scholars highlight the dominance of the Egyptian military’s business...Show moreA review of the literature on the political landscape of post-revolutionary Egypt identifies a widening gap between the elite. Scholars highlight the dominance of the Egyptian military’s business empire, a combination of high-ranking government officials and big corporations that together forms the elite. In 2011, the people of Egypt successfully overthrew an authoritarian regime paving the way towards a democratic state and a relieve of economic injustice. To date, the people of Egypt still find themselves in positions defined by inequality of opportunity, why? Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis builds upon various scholars to gain insights into the different mechanisms and social drivers that keep the elite in a position of dominance and identifies areas in which the public can acquire political power. Three spheres of power; politics, economics, and media, are explored to highlight the social relations that are often hidden in organizational structures. This research provides a new answer to the question why, and how, the elite maintains its dominant position in a state that desires democracy and civil liberty. The implementation of a combination of theories examines the class division and distribution of power to answer this thesis’ main research question: Through which means can the people of Egypt gain political, media and economic power to achieve democratic governance? The findings of this thesis provide a contextualized account of the division of power in Egypt and give attention to the mechanisms that shape the relationship between the elite and the people.Show less
Despite the fact that English became the second official language of Puerto Rico in 1902 (Muñiz Argüelles, 1989), the English language is still not widely spoken in Puerto Rico. In fact, according...Show moreDespite the fact that English became the second official language of Puerto Rico in 1902 (Muñiz Argüelles, 1989), the English language is still not widely spoken in Puerto Rico. In fact, according to the most recent data, 78.1% of the population claims to speak English less than very well (U.S. Census, 2016). Prior research has demonstrated that there is a connection between education, wealth and English in Puerto Rico. English has the reputation of being the language of the Puerto Rican elite (i.a. Pérez Casas, 2016; Torruellas, 1990). This is due to the high costs of private primary and secondary education and not easily accessible English language resources such as a network of English speaking friends, high speed internet and cable television (i.a. Pousada, 2000; Urciuoli, 2013). This current study builds on Bischoff (2017), who argues that the English language requirements at public universities are a barrier to economically disadvantaged students. As a result, one’s economical and educational background can serve as either a privilege or a misfortune in one’s professional aspirations as well (i.a. Barreto, 2000; Schweers and Hudders, 2000). The aim of this study was to gain insight into public university students’ perceptions of the connection between education, wealth and English in Puerto Rico. Data to address this was collected through the distribution of an online questionnaire and carrying out in-depth interviews with students from the University of Puerto Rico Mayagüez (UPRM) and the University of Puerto Rico Río Piedras (UPRRP). In total, 119 questionnaire responses followed by in-depth interviews with 12 UPRM students were used for analysis. The results showed that, contrary to prior research (i.a. Bischoff, 2017; Pérez Casas, 2016; Pousada, 2000), public university students deny or do not recognize a connection between wealth, education and English in Puerto Rico. Instead, they view English language acquisition as a matter of putting in effort in learning and practicing instead of wealth. Furthermore, English language skills are perceived as necessary tools for professional successes and feeling like a global citizen. Puerto Ricans who lack English skills are perceived as unmotivated, missing out on life and not wanting to feel connected to the US Mainland. Nonetheless, it appeared that the majority of public university students have attended private primary and/or secondary schools, have access to English resources and grow up in a social environment filled with English speakers. In other words, public universities serve increasingly wealthy Puerto Ricans who seem unaware of their privileges, whereas economically disadvantaged Puerto Ricans are blamed for their lack of English skills and presumably experience a misfortune while aiming to reach their academic and professional goals. Studying the perceptions of private university students in Puerto Rico in further research would create the opportunity to compare the perceptions of the current studied Puerto Rican elite students versus those of the presumably economically disadvantaged private university students.Show less
A research on the lack of candidates for the function of Vestal Virgin, one of the most important priesthoods in Ancient Rome. Seen from the perspective of elite competition, this thesis shows that...Show moreA research on the lack of candidates for the function of Vestal Virgin, one of the most important priesthoods in Ancient Rome. Seen from the perspective of elite competition, this thesis shows that religion and politics were completely intertwined and that the elite daughters were used by their families for the political games of elite competition.Show less
Venezuela, dat ooit werd gekenmerkt als een redelijk stabiele elite democratie, kan niet langer meer zo genoemd worden. De groeiende macht van Chávez heeft zijn effect gehad op de vrijheid en...Show moreVenezuela, dat ooit werd gekenmerkt als een redelijk stabiele elite democratie, kan niet langer meer zo genoemd worden. De groeiende macht van Chávez heeft zijn effect gehad op de vrijheid en eerlijkheid van de verkiezingen en ook op de vermindering van macht van bepaalde instituties, de elite en de media. Ook de burger is in toenemende mate ontevreden: miljoenen Venezolanen kiezen ervoor niet te gaan stemmen, mede door groeiende ontevredenheid over voedseltekorten, stijgende inflatie, publieke onveiligheid, corruptie en steeds verder gecentraliseerde overheid en educatie. De Venezolaanse democratie is in verval. Dit onderzoek probeert te verklaren hoe een land dat gezien werd als een vrij stabiele elite democratie toch in verval heeft kunnen raken, geeft aan wat de zwakke plekken waren ten tijde van deze stabiliteit en wat de oorzaken zijn van de democratische erosie die sindsdien heeft plaatsgevonden.Show less
