State-sponsored cyberattacks are increasing. Although most attacks have a motivation like espionage, theft, and sabotage, there are also attacks motived to disrupt or interfere with a country to...Show moreState-sponsored cyberattacks are increasing. Although most attacks have a motivation like espionage, theft, and sabotage, there are also attacks motived to disrupt or interfere with a country to negatively affect public support for the incumbent government. Even though there are plenty of examples of cyberattacks with these motivations, the actual effect of public support towards the government has not been analyzed yet. According to the rally-around-the- flag theory, sudden, international and short events such as state-sponsored cyberattack should increase public support for government instead of decrease, as the aim of the attack. In this paper, a regression discontinuity analysis is conducted on the 2007 Estonian cyberattacks. Thereby, the satisfaction levels with the government and democracy are measured before and during the attack. The effect of cyberattacks on both the satisfaction with the government as well as democracy are non-significant. In other words, state-sponsored cyberattacks do not affect the population’s support for government. This is remarkable because it directly contradicts the purpose of the attack. It raises the follow-up question to what extent these types of attacks are effective.Show less
Cyberspace has changed drastically, and so have cyber policies. These policies often change when a state gets hit by a cyberattack. However, there is an existing debate on what causes cyber...Show moreCyberspace has changed drastically, and so have cyber policies. These policies often change when a state gets hit by a cyberattack. However, there is an existing debate on what causes cyber policies to change. This paper uses the research question “To what extent did the 2007 cyber-attack in Estonia cause a shift in Estonia’s cyber policies” to study how cyber policies get influenced by cyber-attacks. This paper argues that both the cyber-attack and the geopolitical situation of a country influence the amount of change in cyber policies. In the case of Estonia, this means that Estonia reacted more heavily to the cyber-attack because Russia, a rivalling country, perpetrated it.Show less
In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
This thesis aims to uncover what factors explain the quality of democratic consolidation, whilst focussing on the recently transitioned democracies of Eastern and Central Europe. Building upon...Show moreThis thesis aims to uncover what factors explain the quality of democratic consolidation, whilst focussing on the recently transitioned democracies of Eastern and Central Europe. Building upon literature by scholar David Beetham, the thesis provides a framework of conditions that influence democratic consolidation. The thesis then uses this framework to analyse the quality of democratic consolidation concerning two opposites on the spectrum of democratic consolidation in Eastern and Central Europe: Hungary and Estonia. From this analysis, the thesis concludes that economic growth, quality of education, antidemocratic behaviour, and the proportionality of the electoral system are the conditions that best explain the contrasting outcomes regarding the quality of democratic consolidation in Hungary and Estonia.Show less
The thesis examines the factors (experience of communism, secret police, government post-1989 and lustration) that led to the post-1989 transitional justice methods utilised in both Hungary and...Show moreThe thesis examines the factors (experience of communism, secret police, government post-1989 and lustration) that led to the post-1989 transitional justice methods utilised in both Hungary and Estonia.Show less
This thesis is aimed at linking the regulatory discussion about cryptocurrencies with the larger theoretical debate on whether small Member States are able to influence the direction of European...Show moreThis thesis is aimed at linking the regulatory discussion about cryptocurrencies with the larger theoretical debate on whether small Member States are able to influence the direction of European Union [EU] policy making. Research was done in the form of a casestudy on Estonia. The following research question was set: To what extent can Estonia upload domestic policy regarding cryptocurrencies to the EU level? It was found that Estonia’s ability to upload its domestic policy regarding cryptocurrencies to the EU level is now restricted, not because of a lack of capabilities to use available strategies, but mainly because of the lack of clear domestic policy, which at the same time also should not conflict with existing EU regulation. Still, Estonia could be perceived as a leader in the regulatory competition as it is already concerned with reinvention of the innovation of cryptocurrencies: estcoin. Estonia could improve its chances by specifying its plans for reinvention, by focusing on what the common interests would be and by implementing them at the national level first. Another improvement would be to look for regional coordination or strategic partnerships, which would become easier when the plans for estcoin are more defined.Show less
Dit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West...Show moreDit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West-Europa invloeden werden uitgeoefend die de onafhankelijkheid bespoedigden. Dit werpt een nieuw perspectief op de doorgaans nationalistische historiografie over Estlands onafhankelijkheidsbeweging.Show less
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, tensions between Estonians and ethnic Russians in Estonia have exacerbated due to the controversial language policy. Having Estonian as the only official...Show moreSince the collapse of the Soviet Union, tensions between Estonians and ethnic Russians in Estonia have exacerbated due to the controversial language policy. Having Estonian as the only official language is proven to be discriminatory towards Russians with low Estonian language skills. This manifests itself in employment and education outcomes that are vital for members of ethnic minorities to avoid being marginalised by society. This paper discusses the likeliehood of each of the pathways of segmented assimilation theory (upward, downward and upward mobility combined with biculturalism) occuring within different regions of Estonia.Show less
A study on the small state of Estonia and the relationship with its predatory neighbour Russia, as well as the security policy that Estonia implements because of this relationship.
Despite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national...Show moreDespite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national-level variation in performance and therefore cannot easily explain the differences among the countries emerging from the former Soviet Union. This paper uses process-tracing in a case study of the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to test the variable of institutional legacies as a possible causal mechanism that aids the transition from authoritarian rule to consolidation of democracy. The analysis aims to contribute to the post-communist democratisation literature by extending the scope to new, unexplored cases and by stressing the importance of pre-communist historical legacy factor for modern institutional design. The analysis finds that the restoration of democratic institutions has pushed the character of the states toward consolidated democracies. Lasting effective governance, with the possible exception of citizenship laws, has in due course been achieved as the character of democratic values has survived Soviet homogenising polices. The conclusion proposes an analysis to measure significant variation between cases with regard to strength of legacy and strength of democratic consolidation in the post-Soviet region and predicts a correlation between these variables.Show less
This thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia present a puzzle that has yet to be explained. Language is a factor that has traditionally been ignored by scholars of political participation. However, this thesis argues that it is key to understanding different patterns of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. This thesis argues that the higher level of titular language proficiency among Russian minorities in Latvia has given them a distinct advantage over Russian minorities in Estonia. This is because government legislation affords the titular languages an elevated status in both countries. No such concessions are made for minority languages such as Russian. Firstly, this thesis explains why the Russian minorities in the two countries have different levels of titular language proficiency. Secondly, it reveals why language proficiency is a necessity for those who wish to participate in parliamentary politics. It uses a wide range of government legislation including citizenship laws, constitutions and language laws to demonstrate that linguistic proficiency is not only required for citizenship, but also for participation in parliamentary politics. This thesis ultimately reveals that the introduction of just one official language in two countries with such large minority groups has served to automatically disadvantage a significant proportion of the population from participating in politics and that differences between the two counties are likely to remain for some time unless Russian is introduced as a second official language.Show less
