Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
This thesis provides an analysis of three marginal historical movements from the inter-war period in the 20th century; German neocolonialism, Japanese Pan-Asianism and Pan-Africanism. All three...Show moreThis thesis provides an analysis of three marginal historical movements from the inter-war period in the 20th century; German neocolonialism, Japanese Pan-Asianism and Pan-Africanism. All three movements represent trends that present alternative views of the dominant ideologies of the century which they were ultimately suppressed by with the onset of the Second World War. Based on what documentation they left behind however, a model can be constructed that attempts to explain how these movements could have survived or otherwise have seen a resurgence in the absence of global liberalism and communism. Alternative histories found in video games, such as the popular Hearts of Iron IV expansion made by its (non-academic) community The New Order: Last Days of Europe provide an opportunity to put this model into practice, but the shortcomings in its existing narrative regarding Africa must first be addressed.Show less
Over the past decade, Ethiopia achieved rapid and stable economic growth, considered as a ‘miracle’ when compared to other Sub-Saharan African countries. Ethiopia’s average real GDP growth per...Show moreOver the past decade, Ethiopia achieved rapid and stable economic growth, considered as a ‘miracle’ when compared to other Sub-Saharan African countries. Ethiopia’s average real GDP growth per annum was estimated at 10.8% between 2003 and 2015 . In addition, Ethiopia succeeded in reducing its poverty rate by 21.8% between 2000 and 2011 . Classical development theories provide analytical tools to help outline traditional patterns of economic development. However, this paper will reveal that the EPRDF government defied generally accepted assumptions concerning processes of economic growth by establishing ‘the Ethiopian way of development’. The EPRDF ruling party fostered an environment for economic growth stability by focusing on original programmes and policies that developed infrastructures and improved access to basic services, expanded the commercialization of agriculture, and provided more opportunities for the private sector. The state’s development strategy was inspired by multiple economic and development theoretical elements. However, these concepts were adapted in an unprecedented manner in order to achieve Ethiopia’s development goals. This paper will complement this analysis by considering the influence of geographical and institutional factors on the economic growth of Ethiopia.Show less
This International Studies Master Thesis adds to the existing explanations of the outbreak of the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, from 1998 till 2000. In order to do so, the thesis...Show moreThis International Studies Master Thesis adds to the existing explanations of the outbreak of the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, from 1998 till 2000. In order to do so, the thesis makes use of the insights derived from the theory of Chiozza and Goemans (2011). This theory takes on a starting position in which an (authoritarian) leader faces domestic opposition. Chiozza and Goemans argue that when, in such a situation, an ‘exogenous shock’ favours the position of the opposition, the leader might rationally choose to use international conflict to secure his/her position in office. Embedded in this framework, the thesis finds that the relationship between the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been problematic from the start, in particular because the EPLF was not prepared to let go its superior status. Furthermore, during the 1990s the EPLF turned into an authoritarian regime, centred around Isaias himself. Despite the fact that official opposition within Eritrea was impossible due to the repressive measures, foreign opposition emerged, including the ethnic minority groups of the Red Sea Afar peoples and the Kunama peoples, which were both supported by the Ethiopian government. At the same time, the balance between the EPLF and TPLF was changing; the EPLF had to accept the TPLF as the ‘senior partner’ as they had become the leader of a more powerful country, Ethiopia. This also implied that the ethnic minority groups were supported by a more powerful actor, which could have been the ‘exogenous shock’ that favoured the opposition, mentioned by Chiozza and Goemans. Therefore, Isaias might have rationally chosen to initiate the border war as a means to regain his power.Show less
This study provides a comparative case study on the role of the World Bank on post-conflict development. The selected cases are Ethiopia and Eritrea, that split after the war of independence in...Show moreThis study provides a comparative case study on the role of the World Bank on post-conflict development. The selected cases are Ethiopia and Eritrea, that split after the war of independence in 1993. This study researches the development paths of both countries, the approaches taken by the World Bank in both Ethiopia and Eritrea as well as in the international context, and the other development actors at play. In this study is revealed that the approaches of and the impact of the World Bank have been significantly influenced by other variables: domestic governance, international relations, and the global economy. These factors led to the fact that the impact of the World Bank has been marginalized in both countries.Show less
Over the past decades, China has evolved into a major world power and moved away from being an isolated nation to one integrated into the international community. This thesis will discuss how...Show moreOver the past decades, China has evolved into a major world power and moved away from being an isolated nation to one integrated into the international community. This thesis will discuss how Chinese presence, power and interference have evolved and how this has impacted the international community with a focus on the African continent. Going more in-depth with two case studies in Africa, Ethiopia and Zambia, it will describe the reasons for China’s cooperation with both countries and the differences in her strategic approach and outcome.Show less
In this thesis the question of how the social factors of language, education and territorial concentration influence the seeking of voice at the center and/or at the periphery. This question was...Show moreIn this thesis the question of how the social factors of language, education and territorial concentration influence the seeking of voice at the center and/or at the periphery. This question was asked in the context of Ethiopia with a specific focus on one of its multi-ethnic regions, Benishangul-Gumuz by qualitatively assessing the documented evidence of the respective groups’ voice seeking behaviors. The analysis of the Ethiopian Constitution as well as the country’s distinct history implied that the selected social variables -interacting with the constitutional provisions of Amarigna as a central language, partially weak guarantees for group representation and the constitutional promise of self-rule- might influence the voice-seeking behavior of groups differently. Firstly, groups not speaking the official language as their mother tongue tend to concentrate their voice-seeking efforts in the periphery. Secondly, groups with lower educational levels appear to be more likely to demand proportionality in institutions not subject to guaranteed group representation, whereas higher educated groups tend to at least not support such demands. Finally, territorially concentrated groups potentially controlling their own territory seem to be more likely to seek a greater group voice whilst more dispersed groups sharing their territory tend to refrain from doing so.Show less
