The European Commission has recently initiated a comprehensive Green Deal with the objective of enhancing the environmental sustainability of agriculture, promoting nature inclusivity, and...Show moreThe European Commission has recently initiated a comprehensive Green Deal with the objective of enhancing the environmental sustainability of agriculture, promoting nature inclusivity, and facilitating the mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions. However, much controversy has been surrounding the formulation of its Farm to Fork (F2) Strategy policy objectives due to incompatible perspectives regarding the envisioned future sustainable food system between the involved actors and the European Commission. This, therefore, raises the question of what is the role of expert knowledge in the realm of EU policymaking? Moreover, what factors influence the Commission’s utilisation of expert knowledge? The utilisation of expert knowledge has been a topic of academic debate in the social sciences. The scholarly discourse pertaining to the role of expert knowledge in the realm of public policymaking processes, and in particular in the EU context, is abundant in theoretical frameworks; however, it also lacks consistency in defining and explaining the role of expert knowledge in public policymaking. This study aims to address the gap in existing literature by improving the understanding of knowledge utilisation and its features in the context of a new EU policy case. The research question seeks to determine the Commission’s utilisation of expert knowledge in the preparation of the Farm to Fork Strategy and explain whether the combination of internal and external dynamics account for the anticipated type of knowledge utilisation. The study focuses on a single case to achieve the theoretical objectives of demonstrating a causal relationship and examining whether the causal process occurred as anticipated. The study focuses on the timeframe from 2016 to 2021, coinciding with the first mandate of the EU Platform on Food Losses and Waste (FLW) and its efforts towards food waste policies, which were subsequently integrated into the F2F Strategy.Show less
This paper investigates the causes behind the continual suspension of the European Union’s (EU) Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) under its general escape clause (GEC) throughout the period of 2020...Show moreThis paper investigates the causes behind the continual suspension of the European Union’s (EU) Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) under its general escape clause (GEC) throughout the period of 2020-2023. The GEC was triggered in March of 2020 on the recommendation of the European Commission to give member states fiscal room to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic, but has remained in place for over three years, despite the subsiding of pandemic emergency measures, restored levels of economic activity, and the repeated recommendations and predictions from numerous European institutions that the rules were to be reinstated at the end of 2022 by the very latest. With the emergence of a legislative proposal from the European Commission to reform the SGP’s rules, questions have emerged from journalistic endeavours and academic literature as to the purpose of the extended suspension. This paper utilises explaining-outcome process-tracing as described by Beach and Pedersen (2013) to compare the expectations and assumptions of varying theories, particularly the “failing forward” theory of Jones et al., (2016) to investigate and explain the European Commission’s decision-making in the case of the SGP’s continual suspension. It concludes that the continual suspension can be minimally explained by ongoing reform efforts by the European Commission, in line with the theoretical expectations of Jones et al. and the findings of Schön-Quinlan and Sciponi (2017). It cannot rule out that the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian War, and the economic knock-on effects, played a part in the decision for continual suspension. The findings of this paper have implications for understanding the European Commission as a fiscal actor in an economic crisis, and understanding the relevance of particular theories of European integration to the historical context of the COVID-19 pandemic.Show less
How can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis...Show moreHow can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis based on texts by the European Commission and European Parliament provides insights into how the EU constructs its own position in the international arena. Most importantly, the research establishes that both institutions are increasingly constructing the EU as a powerful, interest-driven, actor which should aim to develop capabilities similar to those of its constituent nation-states. Thereby, calls for a more 'geopolitical' EU are moved alongside the value-driven approach that was still dominant little over a decade ago.Show less
The European Commission, as the guardian of the treaties, has a powerful tool of infringement procedure to enforce the EU Member States to comply with European commitments. In some cases, the...Show moreThe European Commission, as the guardian of the treaties, has a powerful tool of infringement procedure to enforce the EU Member States to comply with European commitments. In some cases, the infringement dies down soon after it is initiated, and in other cases, the Member States and the Commission solve their disputes in the European Court of Justice. Most commonly, procedures are related to one specific legislation type – directives – due to their binding, but flexible nature to interpret laws negotiated at the supranational level. The non-compliance stems from a variety of reasons, some connected with Member States` inability, others – with the unwillingness to implement. However, how do these reasons relate to the process of infringement procedures? This thesis brings light to the political nature of the topic to reveal the motives behind the Commission`s actions to escalate or give up infringements. While substantial financial and administrative challenges of the Member State are viewed as a temporary hiccup for implementation, the Commission does not tolerate purposeful delay to align domestic preferences and administrative coordination with European provisions. Interestingly, the thesis reveals an important role of informal negotiations between the Member States and the Commission before the start of official infringement procedures. Finally, the thesis concludes that the Commission aims to assure that every EU citizen has access to the same opportunities, and infringement procedures allow it to do exactly that.Show less
Absorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the...Show moreAbsorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the implementation stage of cohesion policy, this thesis aims to find whether the Commission as a principal can influence the absorption capacity of countries (the agents) through its control mechanisms, namely the ex-ante conditionalities and priority axes. By doing a comparative analysis of Bulgaria and Romania, findings suggest that while Bulgaria did not follow the Commission’s rules and absorbed a significant amount of funds, Romania, which strictly followed EU’s conditionalities, had its absorption capacity negatively influenced by the Commission. This negative influence is even more evident with the increased funding a member state receives for some of its operational programmes as larger financial assistance requires the country to follow more EU rules.Show less
For many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new...Show moreFor many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new growth strategy: the European Green Deal. Its cornerstone is the first European Climate Law that binds the Union and its member states to climate neutrality targets. The negotiations to adopt this policy proposal happened via trilogues between the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. This research aims to open the doors of this secluded venue of decision-making to better understand the Commission’s role in them. It analyses the role of the European Commission in trilogue negotiations by using two theories: agenda-setting and politicisation. Process-tracing and document analysis were used as the main data collection and analysis methods. The analysis shows that the Commission uses a two-step strategy to be able to influence trilogues. During agenda-setting it uses its informal power to strategically use public support and the support of other institutions and its expertise to shape the future outcome of negotiations and draw on its political resources to act as a policy entrepreneur. After the proposal is on the table, the Commission uses (de)politicisation strategies to influence the negotiations and their outcome. This research shows that Commission’s influence on trilogue negotiations is dependent on its ability to use strategically its political and informal power during all stages of decision-making.Show less
This study looks at the issue of non-compliance of Poland with EU regulations, and how the European Commission (EC) enforces compliance of the Member States. More specifically, it analyzes the...Show moreThis study looks at the issue of non-compliance of Poland with EU regulations, and how the European Commission (EC) enforces compliance of the Member States. More specifically, it analyzes the variation in the actions of the EC based on the case of rule of law non-compliance by Poland and unravels why this variation exists. While researchers have studied the reasons for non-compliance within the EU and the different approaches the EU can take to deal with non-compliance, not enough focus has been placed on the reasons for the variations in choices following a violation by a Member State. Therefore the research question is ‘What explains the variation in the EU’s approach to the non-compliance of the Polish state with the rule of law?’ The research uses process tracing to look at intentionality, domestic mobilization and costs. The thesis finds that intentionality and costs can explain the varied approaches of the EU. The domestic mobilization hypothesis is rejected due to lack of evidence showing it affects the outcome.Show less
This thesis covers the College of Commissioners of the EU to shed light on empirical realities in the responsiveness of the EU’s political executive in terms of attention to policy issues in the...Show moreThis thesis covers the College of Commissioners of the EU to shed light on empirical realities in the responsiveness of the EU’s political executive in terms of attention to policy issues in the Punctuated Equilibrium Theory framework. The goal is to find when and to what extent the College is open to change or to inertia. Presidentialisation and parliamentarisation are suspected to have changed the dynamics in the EU policy-system. Previous work has assumed a reduced role of the Parliament and ignored institutional cycles in the College. The thesis innovates through a further development of the EU-Comparative Agendas Project by testing hypotheses by synthesising and operationalising the concepts of friction in International Organisations and the mandate effect, the latter of which is usually applied to democratic systems. By reformatting existing datasets of coded Council Conclusions and Commission Work Programmes to align to the irregular electoral cycle of the College, it is exposed that the assumption that the Council consistently sets the College agenda might be overstated. The results point out that the College is increasingly sticky due to a politicised environment affecting friction in responsiveness to signals for policy attention, and that the level of maturity of a College positively affects its openness to change.Show less
This thesis examines the European Commission’s influence in Cyprus during the economic reforms in 2013. It aims to answer the question whether the EC influenced Cyprus and if yes, what mechanisms...Show moreThis thesis examines the European Commission’s influence in Cyprus during the economic reforms in 2013. It aims to answer the question whether the EC influenced Cyprus and if yes, what mechanisms did the EC use to achieve that. The theory of International Organizations’ influence was used as a guide of mechanisms that EC could use to influence a member state. Delegation of authority, conditionality, experts and information and rational-legal authority are the four mechanisms used in this qualitative study to explore the reforms in banking, tax, foreign direct investments and the real estate sectors. This qualitative case study uses the method of coding documents to make data-driven decisions based on the literature concepts and tries to find the relations between them. Twenty-seven official documents and newspaper articles are coded and linked to the four mechanisms. The collected data provides three major findings. Firstly, the EC used all four instruments; therefore, all the assumptions made in this research are correct. However, the extent of use regarding each mechanism differed. The second research result drives to effective use of tactics "delegation of authority" and "conditionality", by EC to influence Cyprus. That was an early assumption emanated from the theory and confirmed by the analysis. Last but not least, this study showed a limited use of domestic experts and information during this process and an even less exercise of the rational- legal authority as it founded very few times in all the documents. These findings suggest future research related to the EU influence in its member countries as well as the difference in influence between a small member country compared to a larger one.Show less
Is the European Commission effectively a champion in gender mainstreaming? The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the existing literature on feminist institutionalism, by attempting to give a...Show moreIs the European Commission effectively a champion in gender mainstreaming? The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the existing literature on feminist institutionalism, by attempting to give a comprehensive explanation as to why the gender mainstreaming strategy has not fulfilled its promises within the EU, and finding answers in its uneven application on the institutional level – in particular, on the level of the European Commission, major promoter of gender equality among the EU institutions. In order to do that, this thesis seeks to analyze a variety of factors which hindered the correct implementation of gender mainstreaming in the European Commission, and in particular: the problematic institutionalization of gender mainstreaming within this institution (both theoretical and empirical); the ineffectiveness of soft policy tools employed by this institution to manage the implementation of gender mainstreaming; the position of the Commission as a role model for other institutions in the implementation of the strategy and the problematic intra-institutional dynamics on gender.Show less
The 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its...Show moreThe 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its successful emergence, 2019 saw the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten. Adopting a multi-method approach that speaks to current literature on the EU’s perceived democratic deficit, this thesis highlights that from pluralist, libertarian, social democratic, and deliberative democracy perspectives the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten improved the democratic legitimacy of the Commission Presidency, reducing the EU’s democratic deficit. This thesis further finds that the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 constituted a retraction of this democratic legitimacy from three of the four philosophical perspectives, expanding the democratic deficit accordingly. Utilising the insights of MEPs further enhances these findings, grounding them in theoretical and practical terms. As one of the initial studies that have analysed the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten following its repudiation in 2019, this research holds significant potential to inform our understanding of the current shape of contemporary European democracy and the EU’s democratic deficit.Show less
The EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its...Show moreThe EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its trade policies. Trade relations between the EU and developing countries have existed since the inception of the EU. For a long period, the EU has focused on the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries alone, due to their colonial ties with the EU, disregarding other developing countries. However, since the mid-1990s, the ACP countries have faced the consequences of a shifting paradigm in the EU when it comes to trade policy and development. This research focuses on the recent trade relations between the EU and ACP countries. Once the EU wishes to conclude new international trade agreements, such as the controversial Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament have important roles, which influence the course of the negotiations. This research looks at the behaviour of the Commission and the European Parliament during the negotiations of the new EPAs between 2002 and 2013. The literature on the power identity of the EU in international relations is extensive, but speaks about the EU as if it were a homogenous institution. It therefore fails to distinguish the different power identities of the European Institutions. This research provides an original contribution to existing literature by distinguishing the particular identities of the Commission and the European Parliament in international trade relations. A critical discourse analysis shows that the European Parliament prioritised the concerns of the ACP countries during the negotiations and emphasised the need for development-oriented EPAs. The European Parliament challenged the arguments and negotiation tactics of the Commission, which shows that it did not agree with the course taken and intended to hold the Commission accountable. Moreover, it illustrates that the European Parliament took on the task to represent not just EU citizens, but ACP citizens as well. The Commission, on the other hand, prioritised the opening up of ACP markets, which it claimed would lead to development, and the swift conclusion of the negotiations. The Commission avoided discussing the concerns raised by the ACP countries, tried to convince others of the positive atmosphere during the negotiations, and repeatedly claimed to only have the best interests at heart for ACP countries.Show less
