This research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands....Show moreThis research sheds light on the effect of political parties’ positions regarding European integration on the collective action frames they use in the Eurobonds debate, focusing on The Netherlands. Parliamentary debates about Eurobonds during both the Eurozone crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic are studied. As a result, this study reveals how collective action framing was used to steer towards acceptance of the shared debt, which is a characteristic of Eurobonds, of the Next Generation Europe (NGEU) recovery program, while The Netherlands had initially positioned itself as a firm opponent. Six collective action frames are identified. These frames demonstrate how political parties use discourse to legitimize or delegitimize policy ideas and choices made on the EU level based on their position on European integration.Show less
This thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a...Show moreThis thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a structured focused comparison of two cases in which domestic policy contestation took place regarding two European(ised) issues that differed in regards to the directness of EU policy influence present. These cases concern the EU’s ban on pulse fishing and the Dutch nitrogen crisis. In analysing the frame building present in each case an inductive qualitative content analysis is conducted on parliamentary contributions by the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD) and their party manifestos are reviewed. The findings show that although both topics as such have become politicised in the domestic arena the frame building differs per case. When EU policy influence can be considered more direct, frames more directly involve the European dimension and tap more into external EU delegitimising discourses. However, when EU policy influence can be considered more indirect the domestic dimension is addressed more prominently and focus lies more on chastising the government and disputing the issue on party ideological grounds. These findings hint at the potential causal relevance of such a concept of ‘directness of EU policy influence’ that consolidates insights from the literature on Europeanisation and Multi-Level Blame Games. The thesis forwards a conceptualisation of this directness involving (1) the underlying authority structure of the European(ised) policy, (2) the degree of policy misfit it involves, (3) the soft or hard nature of the policy and (4) the visibility of the European dimension in the policy. The insights of the thesis might be of interests to scholars of politicisation of European integration, particularly post-functionalist scholars, as they help illuminate how the politicisation of a European(ised) policy does not necessarily bring about equivalent politicisation of European integration as a whole.Show less
European defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU...Show moreEuropean defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU institutions as a result. This is puzzling since the earliest efforts of European integration occurred in the field of defence and security. These efforts ultimately proved a failure and stifled further attempts at integration in this policy field for decades to come. In academic discussion, a common approach to European security and defence policy is the analysis of outcome. The pace and nature of European defence and security policy has been analysed and critiqued on frequent occasions, pointing to the still great reliance of the EU on NATO in security matters. Considering both of these aspects, this analysis aims to deliver an analysis that focusses on the process of EU defence and security policy making itself in order to investigate the puzzle of why it has remained intergovernmental. Hypothesising that it is a policy of deliberate non-decision, „gatekeeping”, by one or more actors within EU policy-making that is responsible for the intergovernmental outcome, process tracing is conducted. The findings of this analysis do not, however, corroborate the hypothesis and an alternate explanation is developed that points to a non-decision being motivated by passive factors, namely inopportune situations of the individual actors capable of propelling an integration effort forward. This analysis is, however, also able to observe that the recent push in the implementation of PESCO came about as a result of political hurdles being overcome and, in principle, a road towards integration may open up in the future.Show less
EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is traditionally characterized as a delicate policy area in which Member States reach agreement through tardy intergovernmental decision-making...Show moreEU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is traditionally characterized as a delicate policy area in which Member States reach agreement through tardy intergovernmental decision-making procedures. However, from 2015 onwards new initiatives in the CSDP have revealed unprecedented policy progress. Several scholars have applied state-centred- and realist approaches in accounting for the suggested policy impetus. To offer a more complete account, this Thesis seeks to contextualise the impetus from a historical institutionalist perspective. By analysing the evolvement of the European External Action Service (EEAS) since the Treaty of Lisbon, the main findings suggest that inter-institutional interplays and institutional autonomy have weakened the influence of Member States in CSDP’s policymaking process. As a consequence, institutional bodies like the EEAS found a legitimate way to considerably influence the innovative policy initiatives.Show less
This thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are...Show moreThis thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are found to have enormous impact on Conservative Euroscepticism. These are as follows: inner party divide, radical right threat and issue salience within party strategy. The Conservatives became increasingly divided over European integration throughout the time frame. Through the attempts to mend this divide by Conservative leaders, most importantly John Major and David Cameron, they increasingly adopted harsher Eurosceptic policies to please their pro/anti EU divided party. UKIP, a radical right party, experienced electoral success throughout the time frame, which is seen as a threat towards the Conservatives, and thus a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism. Lastly, UKIP’s success largely interplays with issue salience. This thesis sees issue salience as a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism, as both parties adopted shifts in political strategy in order to compete for electoral success in light of EU issue salience. All three factors interplay; meaning the one affects the other.Show less
Theories on European integration postulate what actors, processes and developments are central to the construction and functioning of the EU. Therefore, such theorization of integration can be used...Show moreTheories on European integration postulate what actors, processes and developments are central to the construction and functioning of the EU. Therefore, such theorization of integration can be used to explain, clarify and justify specific events. This thesis draws on the authentic arguments and assumptions of Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, i.e. two classic integration theories, to test their explanatory power by means of a case study. The context in which this study takes place is the completion of the Single Market, the barriers thereto and the subsequent potential of the Single Market that is left unexploited. One such barrier is the existence of different corporate tax regimes in and across the Single Market. The case used in this study is the proposed legislation on a Common (Consolidated) Corporate Tax Base (C(C)CTB), which is aimed at addressing this issue and to eliminate the negative consequences of tax regime disparities. The research question that guides this thesis is as follows: ‘to what extent can Neofunctionalist and/or Liberal Intergovernmentalist theory explain the proposed legislation on a Common (Consolidated) Corporate Tax Base and associated processes and developments?’ In pursuance of rejecting the null hypothesis and supporting one of the three alternative hypotheses, this study derived six ‘expectations’ from both integration theories to assess their compatibility with what can be observed in practice. Subsequently, the theory with the most accurate presumptions, measured by the degree of compliance, is assumed to hold most explanatory power and, consequently, ‘wins this battle’. The data used for this study is composed of desk and field research, including but not limited to interviews with the European Commission, KPMG EU Tax Centre and the Permanent Representation of the Netherlands in Brussels. With an average score of 4.2 against 2.2 (on a five-point scale), the outcome of the data analysis clearly indicates that the expectations derived from Neofunctionalist theory are significantly better capable of explaining relevant processes and developments underlying the C(C)CTB. Therefore, this study concludes that Neofunctionalism in this case holds more explanatory power than Liberal Intergovernmentalism. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged that due to low external validity the results of this study cannot or to a very limited extent be generalized to other situations. Accordingly, further research, for which this thesis could provide a methodological blueprint, is required to assess the explanatory power of both integration theories in regards to other issues that constitute barriers to the Single Market. Thereafter, it may be verified whether the findings presented in this study do indeed hold and are as such applicable to the broader context in which this study is situated.Show less
The process of European integration has created a multilevel federal polity in which regionalist parties can thrive. The European Union (EU) significantly reduced the cost of autonomy and...Show moreThe process of European integration has created a multilevel federal polity in which regionalist parties can thrive. The European Union (EU) significantly reduced the cost of autonomy and independence for regions, as it provides a viable alternative to belonging to a central state. Consequently, regionalist parties are more viable in the eyes of the electorate. Moreover, the EU has created a space that Member States cannot fully control. These two factors have thus contributed to the rise of regionalist parties in Europe. However, this cannot account for the discrepancies in electoral success between regionalist parties across Europe. This thesis seeks to account for these discrepancies by analysing the relative importance of domestic factors on the rise of regionalist parties. In that pursuit, this thesis compares Catalonia and Friesland. In Catalonia, domestic factors provided the momentum for the rise of regionalist parties, but European integration made them viable. In Friesland, the opposite holds true. Domestic variables and, in part, European integration itself, inhibited the rise of the Frisian Nationalist Party. European integration is therefore only relevant in relation to domestic factors and vice versa. As such, only an integrated approach can adequately account for the rise of regionalist parties in Europe.Show less
This dissertation focuses on the ideas and beliefs of Hendrik Brugmans, an interesting and influential man during the start of the European integration process right after the Second World War.
