There is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is...Show moreThere is a strong upward trend in the amounts spent on development aid. In 2022, the total amount of Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) was five times higher than in 1960. The European Union is responsible for about two-thirds of humanitarian aid worldwide. However, it is questionable whether development aid is actually effective. A ‘least-likely case’ is Nigeria, it received 9 billion euros from the EU in the period of 2007-2024. Yet it has one of the worst development factors in Sub-Saharan Africa. This Thesis aims to find an answer to the question of whether European development aid was really effective in Nigeria, and whether the targets the European Union set itself were actually achieved. This is done by using the National Indicative Programme (NIP) that ran from 2014-2020. The analysis shows that despite achieving some of the objectives examined in the health care sector, the NIP has mostly failed to achieve the desired impact. Primarily, the high level of corruption ensured that few development objectives have been realized. Therefore, it can be concluded that European Development aid has not really been effective. For further research, it would be valuable to look at the Multi-Annual Indicative Programme (MIP) that runs from 2021-2027. Here, slightly different targets have been set that may give different results. In addition, it may be of added value to conduct a study of how Nigerian agencies report, since there are sometimes substantial differences between the observations of NGOs and these agencies, which can lead to different interpretations. This could possibly engender a different observation of aid effectiveness as well.Show less
The European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of...Show moreThe European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of foreign aggression, with the occupation ongoing for an extended time period in each case. It is unclear whether action taken to recover territory from long-running occupation is legal under the law on self-defence. Treaty law does not rule out such an option, but its approval is implicit at best. Furthermore, publicists are split on the matter between those who favour the preservation of the right to self-defence throughout time, especially for weaker victims of aggression, and those who prefer to regard the restored peace and new status quo resulting from long-running occupation. These divisions warrant a turn to customary law for answers. A case study of state practice and opinio juris in the question of Cyprus, the sole member state of the EU under partial military occupation, reveals contrasting findings. The international community, through the positions of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and the General Assembly, has repeatedly condemned the occupation and considered any new status quo as illegal. At the same time, the Security Council undertook measures under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to cease the right of Cyprus to self-defence, including by non-forcible means, although these measures were ineffective in attaining the end of occupation and the withdrawal of unauthorised foreign troops from the island. This raises the question whether the formulation of Article 51, requiring “necessary action” by the Security Council to end the right to self-defence while not mentioning sufficiency, is adequate in cases of long-standing aggression.Show less
The Covid-19 pandemic led to more than 7 million deaths, global economic depressions and political disputes about vaccine distribution. Although many political actors emphasised the importance of...Show moreThe Covid-19 pandemic led to more than 7 million deaths, global economic depressions and political disputes about vaccine distribution. Although many political actors emphasised the importance of vaccine equity in the beginning of the pandemic, global vaccine distribution mechanisms like COVAX were quickly abandoned. The high vaccine inequity led to a prolonged pandemic that negatively affected both Global North and South. While many former studies focused on establishing the reasons for a lack of vaccine equity, it is relevant to analyse to what extent political actors have critically reflected upon these reasons and acquired new understandings of how to improve vaccine equity during future pandemics. This research filled the gap by applying the policy learning framework by Heikkila & Gerlak (2013) and conducting a qualitative content analysis of EU Parliamentary Debates. The findings suggest a learning process of the European Parliament which entails: a strengthened belief that more vaccine equity is necessary when handling future global health crises as well as an in-depth understanding of potential policies that could advance equity during global health crises. These cognitive learning products are likely to shape future policy making of the EU regarding global vaccine equity.Show less
The dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving...Show moreThe dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving away from powers like France and Germany towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The aforementioned transition was precipitated, among other factors, by the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, which has significantly impacted geopolitical terrain. Poland, a nation with significant economic and military prowess and a sizable population, is positioning itself as a key player aiming to rebalance power dynamics in favor of Central and Eastern European member states that have historically been marginalized. This study seeks to answer the question concerning the presence of a power shift within the European Union, and to identify the fundamental causes driving this change.Show less
This thesis engages in the debate surrounding the EU's NextGenerationEU recovery fund: more than €800 billion to member states to help them through the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. These...Show moreThis thesis engages in the debate surrounding the EU's NextGenerationEU recovery fund: more than €800 billion to member states to help them through the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. These funds are raised through common EU debt and some of them are provided in the form of grants. This combination led to discussions about the significance of the programme for European integration and the EU's possible evolution from an international organisation towards a federal state, specifically whether it bears similarity to the 'Hamiltonian moment,' a set of 18th-century fiscal reforms in the United States. The thesis compares NGEU and the Hamiltonian moment in terms of their respective context, content and consequences. It finds that the NGEU programme did not constitute Europe's very own Hamiltonian moment due to its very different and much less significant impact on the functioning of fiscal policy in its polity.Show less
Locked between Europe and Asia, the Republic of Kazakhstan is a country rich in resources, strategically located, and aiming to become a relevant power within the region of Central Asia. It is a...Show moreLocked between Europe and Asia, the Republic of Kazakhstan is a country rich in resources, strategically located, and aiming to become a relevant power within the region of Central Asia. It is a fascinating example of a post-Soviet country that has managed to remain friendly not only with Russia, but also with western countries, a foreign policy often coined ‘Multi-vector.’ However, ‘Multivectorism’ remains unclear on how Astana can continue to balance its relations in the coming years, in light of new geopolitical tensions between Kazakhstan’s partners. This thesis will address this problem by analysing Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy. It aims to answer the following question: To what degree can a partnership with the EU help sustain Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy in light of current geopolitical developments? The relevance of this question is two-fold. First, there seems to be relatively little research done on the exact nature of Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy, particularly in the ways it can be sustained. Although several models are proposed, there is little consensus on what multi-vector foreign policy exactly is, and how it works. Second, there is a political relevance to this research. Kazakhstan needs to balance at all costs in order to stay independent; aligning itself too much to the West or towards Moscow may endanger its sovereignty and security. Thus, how Astana conducts its foreign policy is vital to its survival as a sovereign state. For the EU, this research is relevant in showing how a partnership with this country could look like and what expectations it can have, as well as to highlight how Kazakhstan perceives a partnership with the EU. Using data, interviews, and by analysing a large body of literature, this thesis aims to provide a comprehensive answer to the research question. Showing how Kazakhstan has managed its relations with its partners, in particular with Russia, over the past few decades, the thesis will highlight the large role of the EU in Kazakhstan's efforts to sustain Multivectorism.Show less
Since 2009, Europe has faced a diverse set of security challenges, some more novel than others. With the outbreak of a military conflict near the EU’s eastern border in 2022, there has been an...Show moreSince 2009, Europe has faced a diverse set of security challenges, some more novel than others. With the outbreak of a military conflict near the EU’s eastern border in 2022, there has been an increasing tendency in the discourse to describe the EU as a security actor. Nevertheless, the extent to which security has truly occupied the Union’s institutional identity remains unclear. Considering the lack of research on the identity of the EU, this thesis examines the evolution of the role of security in the institutional identity of the EU since the 2009 establishment of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The paper relies on the thematic analysis of the EU’s mission-defining documents. In particular, the instances of the State of the Union Address (SOTEU), the Political Guidelines of the Commission, and the EU Strategic Agenda are analyzed. The study shows that a clear increase in the thematic emphasis on security is absent. Instead, there appears to be a fluctuation in the employment of the security element, relative to other themes. What is characterized by an upward trend is the depth in which security is covered. After all, the EU’s current institutional identity is also defined by the aim to tackle cyber threats or disinformation.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
This study employs descriptive statistics and Difference-in-Differences (DID) analysis from 1990 to 2022 to investigate the impact of minimum wage policies on women's labor force participation...Show moreThis study employs descriptive statistics and Difference-in-Differences (DID) analysis from 1990 to 2022 to investigate the impact of minimum wage policies on women's labor force participation rates in the European Union (EU). The findings suggest that increases in the minimum wage have a modest but statistically significant positive effect on women's economic activity. Additionally, the analysis indicates that this impact varies depending on national socioeconomic conditions and existing labor market structures. While minimum wage policy alone cannot fully address gender inequality in the labor market, it can be a valuable tool for promoting women's workforce participation, particularly among low-income earners. This research fills a critical gap in the literature and informs policy discussions aligned with the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goal 5.Show less
The EU is a leader on the international stage in peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and strengthening international security. An important tool used by the EU for this purpose are the Common...Show moreThe EU is a leader on the international stage in peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and strengthening international security. An important tool used by the EU for this purpose are the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions. However, it is not clear whether these missions are effective since there is no consensus in the academic literature on this. The trend among most scholars is negative, but others argue that there are signs for optimism. These differences arise, among other things, from the different perspectives that can be held, namely that of the implementer or the receiver. In the academic literature there is more harmony when it comes to which factors influence the effectiveness of missions. Of these, The level of local ownership, sensitivity to unique local dynamics, the amount of budget, the unity of actors, and the level of human capacity stand out. The European Union Advisory Mission in Ukraine and the European Union Monitoring Mission in Georgia are two CSDP missions with a very different approach but with a comparable international context for the European Union. The former is focused on reforming the security sector, where the latter has been implemented with the aim of not allowing hostilities to recur. Both Ukraine and Georgia are active in the Eastern Partnership of the European Union and have a so-called Association Agreement with the EU. According to the literature, the latter can contribute as leverage to the success of a mission. In addition, both countries have a similar geostrategic position and have to deal with the same external threat, namely Russia. Based on the analysis of these two missions, it is not possible to give a generalised answer to the question of how effective CSDP missions are. However, it has emerged that the EUMM in Georgia was a considerable success and has proven to be more effective than the EUAM in Ukraine, which has not had major successes. These contradictory results show that CSDP missions should not be levelled out in advance when it comes to Effectiveness. The results of the analysis also show that the level of local ownership, sensitivity to unique local dynamics, and the unity of actors in particular influenced the degree of effectiveness of the missions. In addition, this analysis indicates that mission effectiveness and local perception of effectiveness are not related to the attitude of the local population towards the European Union. This may have implications for the academic literature that claims this is the case, but more research is needed to confirm this. In addition, this research has shown that both missions are unable to improve the level of democracy in the host states, which decreased significantly in both cases. This creates a practical implication for the European Union when implementing CSDP missions in the future.Show less
While examining the efforts of the European Union to halt democratic backsliding two groups of actions have emerged. They can be summarized as efforts concerning legitimacy, where challenges to...Show moreWhile examining the efforts of the European Union to halt democratic backsliding two groups of actions have emerged. They can be summarized as efforts concerning legitimacy, where challenges to current Western norms are met, and concerning authority, where power misusage and active degradation to liberal law are met with policy change and increased vigilance. This project compares the two approaches and seeks to determine when backsliding is halted within two case states - Hungary and Romania. Analyzing the past two decades, the thesis project would allow for a greater understanding of whether each approach is worth taking in states in different stages of illiberalism.Show less
Integration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of...Show moreIntegration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of differentiated integration, which allows for Member States to adapt policies towards their interests, is often utilized. Participation of third countries in EU policies is a cornerstone of DI theory. As its closest ally, the United States has heavily supported and has been involved in European security and defense since the end of the Second World War. This has led to the US being heavily involved in any developments in European security and defense policy. However, US views are never stable as they are known to change from administration to administration and often focus on American primacy. This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of differentiated integration in European security and defense policies and concludes how effective the outcome has been. In an examination of real-world application, DI will further be judged through the effect Europe’s relationship with the United States has on security and defense policies. This leads to the conclusion that, while differentiated integration is heavily flawed and needs to be handled carefully, it is ultimately the ideal solution in accommodating state sovereignty. The United States is also considered a risk due to its influence on European security and defense policies, and the current instability in the government.Show less
This research attempts to fill the gap in the literature regarding voting behavior in the Justice and Home Affairs configuration of the Council of the European Union. The results from fixed effect...Show moreThis research attempts to fill the gap in the literature regarding voting behavior in the Justice and Home Affairs configuration of the Council of the European Union. The results from fixed effect logistic regressions of various models are that the state of the national budget was the most important factor in explaining voting behavior in this configuration. While there are a multitude of research limitations that limit the generability of these results, it does provide a solid starting point for further research.Show less
