Brexit 2016 has put the UK-EU relationship under the spotlight of global politics. In the journey of the UK and the EU, the UK Conservative Party played a significant role. Many turning points of...Show moreBrexit 2016 has put the UK-EU relationship under the spotlight of global politics. In the journey of the UK and the EU, the UK Conservative Party played a significant role. Many turning points of the UK- EU relation occurred under the governance of the UK Conservative Party, from the first idea of a European family to the referendum in 2016. The UK’s attitude towards European integration has always been shifting with the Conservative Party being an influential player. This paper selects and examines several turning points in Britain's participation of European integration. The logics behind these turning points and the effects of the Conservative Party’s shifting strategies will be discussed in this thesis.Show less
This thesis compares the Italian reception of boat migrants from Albania in the 1900’s and Libya in the 2000’s. The first aim of the thesis is to examine the migration streams from Albania to Italy...Show moreThis thesis compares the Italian reception of boat migrants from Albania in the 1900’s and Libya in the 2000’s. The first aim of the thesis is to examine the migration streams from Albania to Italy, focusing on the years 1991 and 1997, and from Libya to Italy in 2005/6 and 2008/10. The purpose is to understand how Italy reacted to the various cases and why the strategies implemented by the various governments at diverse moments of history were so different. The second, but definitely no less important objective of this thesis, is to test whether or not the gap hypothesis could be applied to Italy’s policies towards boat migrants. By doing so, this thesis could shed new light on whether there was a possible gap in the outcome of the policies implemented during the various years by Italy due to European influence. The hypothesis is that there could be a gap caused by the increasingly more powerful EU and European Court of Human Rights of Strasbourg in the field of migration policy implementation, a policy field historically strongly bonded with state sovereignty.Show less
Migration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question...Show moreMigration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question in this thesis is: What are the pull factors of migration? Why do migrants increasingly choose to migrate towards the EU? The basis is the theory of Ravenstein of push and pull factors to explain migration. In this thesis, I identified several developments in the Central Mediterranean during this period and analysed the different variables. These variables are: governmental missions in the Mediterranean, the movement of NGOs involved in search and rescue operations and the EU-Turkey agreement. After a method of process tracing and interviews, the conclusion was that pull factors are less important in the process of decision-making of migrants than is mostly considered. Most migrants are more influenced by push factors.The invasion towards the European Union is a myth and their rescue missions in the Mediterranean do not influence migrants or attract huge numbers of them.Show less
This thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia...Show moreThis thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia since early 2011. It conducts a thorough textual analysis of major European Neighbourhood Policy documents and ‘speech acts’ related to Egypt and Tunisia, using Norman Fairclough’s three- dimensional Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In each instance of ENP discourse, this study sees a text, a discursive practice and a social practice. It identifies the particular discursive configurations of democracy promotion in these text samples, noting a significant change in tone since the launch of the ENP in 2003. More specifically, it points to the new neighbourhood agenda developed by the EU since the wave of protests in the Middle-East and North Africa, characterised by greater ownership of ENP policies by EU partners, considerable differentiation in their objectives and a heightened concern for the stabilisation of the region. Rooted in a critical, constructivist approach to discourse analysis, it eventually contends that the seemingly less voluntarist narrative developed in South Neighbourhood policy documents is the result of higher threat perception in the Union. A threat narrative is indeed highlighted, as a particular instance of a crisis rhetoric, resulting in a notable downscaling of EU normative ambitions in the region. Investigation of the Egyptian and Tunisian cases since 2011 provides important information regarding these developments in the ENP. This thesis eventually points to civil society assistance as a narrative of inclusiveness which could prove to be a significant addition to ENP democracy promotion agenda, while recognising the limits of this endeavour.Show less
The hypothesis presented in this thesis states that the EU applied a collaborative pro-democracy strategy in Rwanda partly due to its positive levels of stability and development. Rwanda has been...Show moreThe hypothesis presented in this thesis states that the EU applied a collaborative pro-democracy strategy in Rwanda partly due to its positive levels of stability and development. Rwanda has been compared to two other African countries, Niger and Guinea, which share a similar situation but which received a confrontation strategy from the EU instead.Show less
After 2007 and the inclusion of Bulgaria in the European Union, European funding has been introduced on a national level through a variety of programmes. Partial funding coming through two regional...Show moreAfter 2007 and the inclusion of Bulgaria in the European Union, European funding has been introduced on a national level through a variety of programmes. Partial funding coming through two regional development programmes is being relocated towards conservation of archaeological heritage. So far, 72 archaeological sites have been conserved by restoration, and restoration projects are still ongoing. Nevertheless, the majority of these restorations are being deemed unfit by academics and international experts. Some of them were termed “hypothetical reconstructions” and have attracted extensive media and academic attention over the years. Many have expressed the opinion that the completion of restoration projects executed under the regional development programmes leads to a destruction of heritage. The aim of the current thesis is, therefore, to explore the phenomenon of hypothetical reconstructions by looking for particular reasons for dissatisfaction, expressed by people involved with archaeology. A qualitative research using a case study methodology was carried out, and three participants were interviewed. The case study focuses on the “Yailata” archaeological reserve, where a fortress and a rock church were subjects of restoration activities. By discussing the differences between restoration and reconstruction, and looking at the official project reports from Yailata, a theoretical framework is created through which the qualitative data is evaluated. The produced results set a discussion platform, which considers not only the violation of international legislation, but also a by-product resulting from hypothetical archaeological heritage reconstructions. The relationship between heritage and its power to construct national identity is discussed in relation to the practice of hypothetical reconstructions in Bulgaria. Furthermore, the involvement of the European community as a stakeholder is considered. The thesis is aimed at academics, heritage practitioners, and anyone who is interested in the phenomenon of hypothetical reconstructions.Show less
Over the last years, some member states of the European Union have been the target of terrorist attacks. The attacks in France and Belgium in 2015 and 2016 show that the fight against terrorism and...Show moreOver the last years, some member states of the European Union have been the target of terrorist attacks. The attacks in France and Belgium in 2015 and 2016 show that the fight against terrorism and specifically against the Islamic State (ISIS) is far from an end. The thesis aims to discuss if the difficulties faced by Belgium to deal with the issue could influence the adoption of an effective common anti-terrorist policy by member states and if this could be done through the development of CSDP. Could terrorist attacks and the insufficient capacity of Belgium in providing adequate counter-terrorism and intelligence services be considered situations significant enough which could lead to an agreement between member states about the development of an effective Common Security and Defense Policy which would benefit the whole EU? Social constructivism is used as the theoretical basis of this analysis.Show less
In 2014, the European Union enforced sanctions against Russia in response to its actions in Ukraine. The theory on sanctions provides multiple theories on their potential effectiveness. These...Show moreIn 2014, the European Union enforced sanctions against Russia in response to its actions in Ukraine. The theory on sanctions provides multiple theories on their potential effectiveness. These theories are applied in the case of Russia to answer whether they can be successfull in achieving their goal.Show less
This thesis researches the views of Dutch politicians on the effects of the Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure (MIP) on social economic policy in the Netherlands. This research reveals the...Show moreThis thesis researches the views of Dutch politicians on the effects of the Macroeconomic Imbalances Procedure (MIP) on social economic policy in the Netherlands. This research reveals the discrepancy between national opinions of Dutch politicians on the MIP and the outcome on the European level. Hence it illustrates the poorly organised democratic process of discussing European legislative proposals in the Dutch House of Representatives and thereby contributes to the discussion about the democratic deficit in the EU.Show less
A comparative study comparing regional and minority language policies in Spain, Italy and the European Union. Particular focus on language policies in Italian and Spanish regions, regarding French,...Show moreA comparative study comparing regional and minority language policies in Spain, Italy and the European Union. Particular focus on language policies in Italian and Spanish regions, regarding French, German, Galician, Catalan and Basque. Topics include historical Spanish and Italian language policies, European language policies and frameworks.Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
In 2002, the Barcelona European Council set the objective that further action needs to be taken to " improve the mastery of basic skills, in particular by teaching at least two foreign languages...Show moreIn 2002, the Barcelona European Council set the objective that further action needs to be taken to " improve the mastery of basic skills, in particular by teaching at least two foreign languages from a very young age". In response to this, the European Commission produced the language learning and linguistic diversity Action Plan (2004-2006). The main aim of this thesis is to evaluate if the Member States of the European Union complied to the seven recommendations set in this Action Plan that directly addressed the Barcelona objective. The seven recommendations were made towards the pre-primary and primary language-in-education policies of the Member States. Furthermore, this thesis investigates whether the national linguistic factors of the countries are reflected in their language-in-education policies, and if this in turn affects the countries ability to comply to the recommendations. This thesis took a case study approach, concentrating on Luxembourg and Ireland. The key findings of this thesis were that both Luxembourg and Ireland did not comply to the recommendations. Moreover, for both cases the linguistic situations were highly reflected in the language-in-education policies, which affected their compliance to the recommendations. Luxembourg complied to three out of the seven recommendations, and it was found that the teaching of German and French as foreign languages were a huge reflection of the linguistic situation within Luxembourg; which largely affected the countries compliance with the recommendations. Ireland complied to none of the recommendations, as they fail to teach any compulsory foreign languages in their pre-primary and primary curriculum. It was found that the teaching of Irish, which is not considered a foreign language, came at the expense of teaching foreign languages. This showed that the linguistic situation of the country was highly reflected within the language-in-education policies and in-turn affected the countries ability to comply to the recommendations.Show less
Literature on European identity construction and the delineations involved is extensive. This paper’s theoretical approach intends to add to the epistemological debate by looking at case study...Show moreLiterature on European identity construction and the delineations involved is extensive. This paper’s theoretical approach intends to add to the epistemological debate by looking at case study examples of the European Union’s ‘new’ member states, referring to member states that acceded the union in or after 2004, which this paper argues exemplify the rejection of European identity, and analyse them from the culturally anthropological perspective of the binary concepts of cosmopolitanism and cultural relativism. Whether or not a European-wide identity exists has long been a contested topic. Rather than attempt to add to this extensive debate, the purpose of this paper will be to locate points of tension between what is increasingly being constructed by the EU as a universal ‘European identity’ on the one hand, and the existing strong national identities of two case study member states, Hungary and Poland, on the other. By identifying the points at which these clashes occur, this paper will argue that identity construction cannot simply be politicised in the manner in which the EU’s institutions have attempted.Show less
This thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic...Show moreThis thesis presents the study of cultural policy and its value for achieving the EU 2020 goals. The research question is twofold: can cultural policy provide a useful addition to strict economic policy? And is cultural policy valuable for achieving the EU 2020 targets? Underlying the research question is the assumption that cultural policy is marginalized in the EU policy domain and underestimated in what it is able to achieve. The methodology consists of document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Document analysis is conducted on EU, national and civil society level, accompanied by academic literature. The outcome of this study is that cultural policy is actually a very useful addition to narrow economic policy because it is vital to creative thinking and general wellbeing. With regard to the value of culture in achieving the EU 2020 targets, it is clear that creativity, innovation, and social inclusion lie at the basis of successfully achieving the smart, sustainable and inclusive targets. The use of cultural policy in achieving the EU 2020 targets can thus be considered highly valuable. Another outcome of this study is the need to apply a more holistic approach to EU policy objectives. The central objective of the EU should be the wellbeing of its citizens, not narrow economic growth. This also includes further integration of cultural policy within the EU. Suggestions for future research are better integration through the OMC, maybe even with introducing country-specific recommendation in cultural policy. Further research should be done on how to increase the financial funds for the Creative Europe programme, the cultural and creative spillover effects and inclusion of civil society in the cultural field.Show less
Regionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The...Show moreRegionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The Scottish people voted NO to independence, while the referendum in Catalonia, which was illegal according to the Spanish constitution, showed a clear YES vote. These developments show various differences in the way how and why the independence movements seek the goal of independence. Both Catalonia and Scotland want the same, becoming independent and become a member of the European Union. These two case studies are extensively analyzed, using qualitative research, discourse analysis and the method of process tracing. Findings reveal that regional disparities, historical en cultural past, which are encouraged by the Euro crisis, are important motives for the regions seeking independence. While seeking independence these regions state that self-determination of the people living in those regions, is a fundamental issue which should give them access to the European Union. Self-determination of regions however exists in a tense relation with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity that form the foundation of the international system of states. This is why the European Union has made more of less clear statements that continued membership for regions, seceding from an European Union member state, is not possible. The European Union commented on this issue most notably through Romano Prodi, Vivine Reding and José-Manuel Barroso that secession of a part of the territory of a Member State entails an automatic exit of that territory from the European Union. These comments were political, non-juridical, in nature. Of course there are juridical consequences too. Secession by its very nature implies conflict with the legal framework of the European Union. The fact is that there are no provisions in European Union law or treaties on secession of regions from European Union member states. Besides there are negative consequences involved for the people of the regions the European Union and its institutions if a region becomes independent, which effects I shall point out in this thesis. There are alternative ways to resolve or to diminish the regional strive for secession. Possibly devolution of powers and decentralization would be a democratic alternative too.Show less
