Regionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The...Show moreRegionalism and independence movements are rising in the European Union. Referendums have been held in Scotland and Catalonia of which only the referendum in Scotland was legally binding. The Scottish people voted NO to independence, while the referendum in Catalonia, which was illegal according to the Spanish constitution, showed a clear YES vote. These developments show various differences in the way how and why the independence movements seek the goal of independence. Both Catalonia and Scotland want the same, becoming independent and become a member of the European Union. These two case studies are extensively analyzed, using qualitative research, discourse analysis and the method of process tracing. Findings reveal that regional disparities, historical en cultural past, which are encouraged by the Euro crisis, are important motives for the regions seeking independence. While seeking independence these regions state that self-determination of the people living in those regions, is a fundamental issue which should give them access to the European Union. Self-determination of regions however exists in a tense relation with the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity that form the foundation of the international system of states. This is why the European Union has made more of less clear statements that continued membership for regions, seceding from an European Union member state, is not possible. The European Union commented on this issue most notably through Romano Prodi, Vivine Reding and José-Manuel Barroso that secession of a part of the territory of a Member State entails an automatic exit of that territory from the European Union. These comments were political, non-juridical, in nature. Of course there are juridical consequences too. Secession by its very nature implies conflict with the legal framework of the European Union. The fact is that there are no provisions in European Union law or treaties on secession of regions from European Union member states. Besides there are negative consequences involved for the people of the regions the European Union and its institutions if a region becomes independent, which effects I shall point out in this thesis. There are alternative ways to resolve or to diminish the regional strive for secession. Possibly devolution of powers and decentralization would be a democratic alternative too.Show less
After the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the...Show moreAfter the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the Member States. To this end, Member States firstly approximated their asylum policies through intergovernmental initiatives and then gradually communitarised asylum policy of the EU via treaty reforms. The Amsterdam Treaty put asylum policy, for the first time, under the Community competence and subsequent treaties further increased EU’s competence. Meanwhile, the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has been established under three multi-annual programmes, namely the Tampere, the Hague and the Stockholm Programmes. This thesis explores to what extent the Member States have transferred their competence in asylum policy to the EU in particular since 1999 when the Amsterdam Treaty came into force and the CEAS was introduced. It accordingly analyses both primary and secondary EU law on asylum with a critical legal approach. The development of the common European asylum policy and its gradual shift from the national to the intergovernmental and eventually to the supranational level resulting from the transfer of competence are also analysed from a neo-functionalist perspective.Show less
The research concentrates on the comprehensiveness of the EU crisis management. It is examined whether the EU is using the comprehensive approach effectively. With the term ‘effectively’ is meant...Show moreThe research concentrates on the comprehensiveness of the EU crisis management. It is examined whether the EU is using the comprehensive approach effectively. With the term ‘effectively’ is meant whether the approach has successful outcomes. The conflict in Mali is used as a case study to answer the research question. The research question of the master thesis is: ‘Did the European Union manage the Malian conflict with an effective comprehensive approach?’ In other words, did the EU have an integrated policy towardsMali with successful results?Show less
Data transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU...Show moreData transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU using its power to change standards abroad. This is done in light of the Normative Power Europe concept. This concept is a particular perspective on the EU’s international role and its influence on affairs beyond its borders. From this perspective, the EU promotes and spreads its norms to third countries or other external entities. When it comes to privacy and data protection standards, the EU seems to be doing exactly this. This paper is an attempt to anchor EU privacy policy in the broader theoretical context of Normative Power Europe, developing a subset concept: Privacy Power Europe. This entails the construction of a Privacy Power Europe ideal type, having various characteristic features. The paper then continues with an extensive evaluation whether the EU in its current form and actions in fact shows these characteristic features. The question is asked whether the EU is a normative power in the area of privacy and data protection.Show less
Within the emerging geopolitical frameworks of the global energy market, the concept of energy security has become a vital part of state strategies for implementation, both by consuming and...Show moreWithin the emerging geopolitical frameworks of the global energy market, the concept of energy security has become a vital part of state strategies for implementation, both by consuming and producing countries. Based on the trade relations between consuming and producing actors, one of the dominant ideologies in the political sciences (neoliberal interdependence theory) argue that economic interdependence between actors leads to co-operation on the bases of mutual benefits which decreases the emergence of conflicts. This thesis intends to shed a light on EU-Russia energy relations, specifically in terms of natural gas linked to energy security of EU as the biggest energy consumer and Russia as the biggest supplier of natural gas to EU. By comparing the energy policy strategies, current energy statistics and emerged interdependence, this thesis argues that the securitization of EU energy (gas) policy is experiencing serious challenges due to (increasing) European dependence on Russian gas resources which have not resulted in further co-operation but rising tensions. The main argument of this thesis therefore is that the nature of EU-Russia gas relations is too complex to be explained by the optimism of mutual interdependence between these actorsShow less
The introduction of the 'Spitzenkandidaten' process in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament was referred to as the symbol of European democratic reform. This work assesses how the...Show moreThe introduction of the 'Spitzenkandidaten' process in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament was referred to as the symbol of European democratic reform. This work assesses how the introduction of this process has impacted the state of democracy in the European Union.Show less
Economic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state,...Show moreEconomic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state, thus this research tests the cooperative theory in which the focus is on the international behavior of the target state when assessing the effectiveness of economic sanctions. The research question driving this thesis is: are economic sanctions more effective in a non-cooperative authoritarian state or a cooperative authoritarian state? The two case studies are China (cooperative authoritarian state) and Iran (non-cooperative authoritarian state). Through five mechanisms, budget of the target state, opposition within the target state, type of sanction, commitment of the sender state, and dependence of the target state on the international community, the effectiveness of the sanctions is analyzed. Noticeably there is a stronger link between effective sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state (China) in comparison with the non-cooperative authoritarian state (Iran), the international mechanisms mostly drive the effectiveness of the sanctions in the cooperative authoritarian state, and neo-realism is a very noticeable factor in utilizing economic sanctions.Show less
The important role of Russia in satisfying European gas demand and the subsequent gas disruptions in 2006 and 2009 have scrutinized the role of Russia in developing a Common Energy Policy for the...Show moreThe important role of Russia in satisfying European gas demand and the subsequent gas disruptions in 2006 and 2009 have scrutinized the role of Russia in developing a Common Energy Policy for the EU. Those skeptical of Russian influence have emphasized the threats to the internal market and the security of supply in constructing new pipeline infrastructure for the trade of gas. This research determines that the perceived threats to the internal market and the security of supply are unjustified. In addition, pragmatic economic interests have incentivized actors to oppose Nord Stream and South Stream.Show less
The bombings in New York on 9 September 2001 (9/11) made the European Union (EU) realize that it would be necessary to change European policies to combat this form of terrorism. This asked for a...Show moreThe bombings in New York on 9 September 2001 (9/11) made the European Union (EU) realize that it would be necessary to change European policies to combat this form of terrorism. This asked for a strong cooperation between different elements of the EU, such as the EU self, Member States and the European Police Office (Europol). Although it is Europol’s role to gather information that comes from the Member States concerning terrorists’ acts or behaviour and to act as an umbrella organisation, the cooperation between Europol and the Member States is difficult. Even so, after 9/11 the EU was capable in creating the ‘Plan of Action on Combating Terrorism’ to create the first guidelines to prevent that the EU would also be a victim of this form of terrorism in the future. To understand what the effect was of this Plan, this thesis looks into the question to what extent the EU has been using arguments such as terrorism to incentivize the Member States to take action against terrorism. This thesis will argue that this Plan was not very successful. The member states should make more use of the EU’s and Europol’s capabilities and increase and improve the cooperation between them all and that the EU should enhance the capabilities of Europol. Furthermore, the Member States should not only act when there is a massive attack as on 9/11, because it is better to prevent certain attacks and to minimalize the consequences and victims.Show less
In the past five years, a variety of social movements have used the information and communication technologies (ICTs) in ways that were not foreseen in order to coordinate, debate, denounce and...Show moreIn the past five years, a variety of social movements have used the information and communication technologies (ICTs) in ways that were not foreseen in order to coordinate, debate, denounce and protest. The participants in these actions have brought publicity to practices of hacktivism, an integration of activism and ICTs (mobile phones, Internet, computers, and dedicated applications) which aims to expand political, social and economic freedom. The aim of this paper is to identify which aspects of hacktivism are problematic in regulatory terms, hindering the fulfilment of its positive effects. This study conducts a preliminary, descriptive and analytical account of these problems focusing, first, on hacktivism internally (its conceptualisation, typology and consequences), to proceed to the problems linked to its context (global Internet governance, EU multilateralism and self-regulated regulation). Lastly, these challenges are briefly categorised and attention is paid to how new directions in decision-making methods may be incorporated into EU Impact Assessment in order to systematically identify new problems that may arise in the future.Show less
