This thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and...Show moreThis thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and institutions over the past decades but the research on CAP hasn’t been updated along with it. This thesis borrows from the multi-level governance theory and molds the idea of the “winners-” and “losers of EU integration” debate into expectations for the predictive powers of various variables. These variables simulate two theories which have been predominant in research which has been previously done for the Common Agricultural Policy: the theory of need and the compensatory theory. The total area used for agriculture, the number of farms and GDP per Capita will represent the theory of need whilst the compensatory mechanism is simulated through a public opinion form of euroscepticism and a variable which calculates the net contribution to the EU budget to the EU budget. Key results for the thesis and improvements to the existing literature are the establishment for the net contribution to the EU budget variable, agricultural employment and GDP per Capita as predictors of CAP allocations and establishing the strength of the EU’s official allocation criteria for the CAP. Furthermore, for the first time the NUTS 2 regions have been included in research concerning CAP funding as a unity of analysis, leading to more statistically sound conclusions than what would otherwise be the case.Show less
In the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and...Show moreIn the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and therefore almost all candidate states did comply with this part of the acquis. However, there is a second element of the acquis, the democratic conditionality, concerning the fundamental political principles of the EU, the norms of human rights and liberal democracy. According to the EU one of those fundamental political principles is the need to curb corruption. In what way is the EU capable of influencing the anti-corruption policy of the candidate states? Is the EU thereby affecting corruption in the candidate states? In this thesis the role of the EU on the candidate states’ anti-corruption policy is tested. Is there any relation between the role of the EU, compliance of the member states and the real level of corruption? Statistical analysis and five short case studies show that there is a difference between simple rules, laws on corruption on the one hand and perceived corruption in a state on the other. The two are not related per se and therefore the EU influence in fundamentally curbing corruption is limited. The only way corruption can be stopped is when EU efforts are back upped by national actors.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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This thesis examines the impact of the European Union (EU) on the fight against high-level political corruption in Bulgaria and Romania from 2007 to 2013. Rather than being the result of internal...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the European Union (EU) on the fight against high-level political corruption in Bulgaria and Romania from 2007 to 2013. Rather than being the result of internal historical or cultural processes, I argue – in line with the theory of Europeanization – that the fight against corruption in these two countries is driven by the adaptational pressure exerted by the EU on the relevant national political actors (governments and parliaments). Using process-tracing, I show how this pressure wielded principally by the Commission via the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) and reinforced by some Member States through Schengen-membership conditionality leads to concrete legal and institutional reforms facilitating the control of high-level corruption. In particular, I find that when the Commission resorts to negative incentives (high adaptational pressure) domestic political will to adopt the desired changes increases correspondingly. Overall, I evaluate the CVM as an effective EU tool for tackling corruption in Bulgaria and Romania and I consequently recommend the implementation of a supranational monitoring system of this kind on a universal basis as to provide better guarantees that the fundamental values and principles of the EU are observed across all Member States at all times.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
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The European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this differentiated integration is likely to be accompanied by disadvantages. Among other things, differentiated integration is also thought to be harmful to the differentiated states’ reputation. However, there is very little empirical work on tangible consequences of differentiated integration. This paper tries to fill this void by looking at one manifestation of informal power: member state access to European Commission advisory committees. The main conclusion is that there is no general relation between access to advisory committees and differentiated integration. However, when looked at in more detail, differentiated integration appears to strongly diminish access to Eurozone-related advisory committees. Moreover, it appears that newer member states’ degrees of access are affected, especially those new members that have not yet integrated fully into the Eurozone and Schengen. If this pattern is structural, the interests of newer member states could be affected.Show less
My study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about...Show moreMy study focused on knowledge about the EU. It was my aim to explain the variance in this knowledge among Europeans and to answer the question: What explains the variance in the knowledge about European Union among European citizens?Show less
In this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African...Show moreIn this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African regional cooperation are tested. Academic writing combining these two topics can hardly be found, creating a gap in the literature that this thesis seeks to fill. In analysing the historical development of the three theories, a set of indicators for each is constructed, leading to the formulation of hypotheses that are tested in the African case. The main driving force behind African integration in the 1950s and 1960s was the Pan- African movement calling for independence of African states and the end of colonialism. This ideologically driven movement was supported by a transnational elite pushing for regional cooperation. The main actors in creating the Organization of African Unity, the African Economic Community and the African Union were national leaders, basing their efforts both on Pan-African reasoning and on the maximization of national gains. The neofunctionalists’ main claim of spillover effects occurring in the integration process leading to wider and deeper cooperation cannot be proved, neither seems the role of supranational institutions to be of importance. This leads to the conclusion that a combination of federalist assumptions and liberal intergovernmentalist claims provides the best explanation for African integration.Show less
Since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case...Show moreSince the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case of Libya reveals that the EU is still torn when it comes to questions of foreign policy and especially the deployments of military troops. Within the last twenty years, a number of international crises have pointed out the deficiencies of the EU with regard to these issues. With this thesis, I aim to find reasons for the inability of the EU in questions of foreign policy, and particularly military action-taking within an EU framework. I argue that the role of Germany in this context is rather crucial. As the largest and most powerful member state, Germany’s position has a large influence on the actions of the EU. Germany has been very reluctant towards using military power after the horrible events in World War II (WWII), and hence, I pose the research question: ‘To what extent does Germany’s aversion to the use of military power due to historic reasons affect the EU’s ability to speak with a common voice on issues of security and defense?’ My main argument is the following: ‘The inability of the EU to speak with a common voice with regard to military action is due to several aspects, with the largest influence being Germany’s aversion to use military power due to reasons of guilt and the country’s history’. In my thesis I find that a number of reasons may influence the inability of the EU to speak with a common voice; however, the largest effect seems to have Germany and the country’s still-existing reluctance towards using military means due to its history and consequential guilt sentiments.Show less
The European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an...Show moreThe European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an attempt to explore what happens to sovereignty and if concerns of losing sovereignty to the European Union are legit.Show less
The main intention of this thesis is to provide an assessment of the extent to which the European Union (EU) has been able to diffuse its norms within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ...Show moreThe main intention of this thesis is to provide an assessment of the extent to which the European Union (EU) has been able to diffuse its norms within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through theories of norm diffusion – with particular regard to Acharya’s ‘localization’ and Manner’s ‘Normative Power Europe’. Addedly, the research is mainly centered on the case studies of Myanmar and the Philippines, owing to their relevance to contemporary EU-ASEAN relations and current events. The case studies of are still an ongoing phenomenon and are thus relevant to examining the standing of current EU-ASEAN relations.Show less
