Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
For many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new...Show moreFor many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new growth strategy: the European Green Deal. Its cornerstone is the first European Climate Law that binds the Union and its member states to climate neutrality targets. The negotiations to adopt this policy proposal happened via trilogues between the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. This research aims to open the doors of this secluded venue of decision-making to better understand the Commission’s role in them. It analyses the role of the European Commission in trilogue negotiations by using two theories: agenda-setting and politicisation. Process-tracing and document analysis were used as the main data collection and analysis methods. The analysis shows that the Commission uses a two-step strategy to be able to influence trilogues. During agenda-setting it uses its informal power to strategically use public support and the support of other institutions and its expertise to shape the future outcome of negotiations and draw on its political resources to act as a policy entrepreneur. After the proposal is on the table, the Commission uses (de)politicisation strategies to influence the negotiations and their outcome. This research shows that Commission’s influence on trilogue negotiations is dependent on its ability to use strategically its political and informal power during all stages of decision-making.Show less
The LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its...Show moreThe LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its Easternmost member states. In response to recent events, the European Commission has communicated that the Union must be at the forefront of efforts to better protect LGBTIQ people’s rights. This study critically examines the changing self-perception of the European Commission as it engages with the conflict over LGBTIQ rights. Process tracing of the emergence, (lack of) diffusion and subsequent contestation of the LGBTIQ norm in the region reveals that the ongoing dispute of values between the East and the West is a self-inflicted wound which can be traced back to the Eastern enlargement accession negotiations. The timid approach to the enforcement of European Union membership criteria has caused a normative gap post-accession, resulting in a regional identity crisis. Norm polarisation theory is proposed as a theoretical framework which can describe the deepening rift between the Union’s human rights profile on one hand, and Polish insistence on the right to tradition and sovereignty on the other.Show less
The lack of adoption and use of the e-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) system in the European justice domain mirrors the complexity of realising interoperability in Europe....Show moreThe lack of adoption and use of the e-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) system in the European justice domain mirrors the complexity of realising interoperability in Europe. Connecting the information systems of autonomous organisations with the means of technological innovation for improved efficiency can be a difficult task, and requires cooperation between all parties involved. But what drives or holds back organisations to adopt such technological innovations? While much research has been conducted on the adoption of (technological) innovations in the public and private sector, theoretical and empirical research on innovation adoption in a cross-border and judicial context is still lacking. This qualitative explanatory study used a combination of Diffusion of Innovation (DOI) theory and Technology-Organisation-Environment (TOE) framework as foundation to examine the relationship between fourteen factors (relative advantage, compatibility, complexity, trialability, observability, top management support, slack resources, costs, championship, facilitative leadership, disposition to and readiness for collaboration, trust, external pressure of social networks and network externalities, and legislation and policy) and the adoption of interoperable electronic information sharing by judicial organisations. By using e-CODEX as a case study, this thesis contributes to the literature on IT adoption by adding the cross-border, European, and judicial contexts. E-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) is an example of a voluntary initiative that was developed with European Union (EU) financial support by a number of Member States in 2010. It is a tool based on the principle of interoperability that enables judicial authorities to exchange information and documents in a secure way. It is interoperable because it establishes a decentralised communication network between national IT systems in cross-border civil and criminal procedures. Data was gathered from interviews with members of the e-CODEX project consortium, judicial organisations (previously) participating in e-CODEX pilots, and one organisation that is currently planning to adopt e-CODEX. The findings indicate that all proposed factors in this study seem to be relevant to at least some extent for the adoption of IEIS. However, the findings also show that some factors have greater relevance than others.Show less
This study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to...Show moreThis study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to test unused trade potential and predicts trade flows between China and the EU28 to estimate the unexhausted trade potential. The empirical results show that global Chinese trade flows follows a Heckscher-Ohlin model with dominant inter-industry trade. For Sino-European trade, Heckscher Ohlin explains EU exports. However for EU imports of China and total Sino-European trade flows, no model could be identified. The calculated Trade Complementarity Index shows that EU imports have a higher complementary with Chinese exports than EU exports and Chinese imports, indicating that the EU is a better export market for China than vice versa. The complementarity explains trade flows better than the conformity model and predicts unexhausted trade potential between the EU and China. Large unexhausted potential is mostly found in Chinese exports to the EU, indicating that China benefits most from improving trade relations between the EU and China. On the member state level, large heterogeneity in trade potential is found. A small number of member states outperform their predicted trade flows. Most EU member states have unexhausted export potential with China, and China has unexhausted export potential towards the majority of EU member states.Show less
This paper explores the European Union's discourse in response to the #MeToo movement. To this aim, a qualitative exploratory study with a critical discourse analysis was conducted after in-depth...Show moreThis paper explores the European Union's discourse in response to the #MeToo movement. To this aim, a qualitative exploratory study with a critical discourse analysis was conducted after in-depth reading and manual coding of European Union preparatory legislative documents explicitly mentioning the movement. In addition, a sample of these documents was compared to similar papers before the movement to investigate whether it has influenced the formal discourse of the Union on gender-based violence and women rights. According to the results, the #MeToo movement has been used to go further and quicker on previous initiative already ongoing to fight against gender-based violence such as the Member States ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Even though prevention is at the heart of the European Union discourse in every document, it seems that after the #MeToo movement, there is a partial shift from exclusive prevention to more condemnation. However, the word perpetrator is almost absent compared to victim in all the documents analysed, even more in the ones mentioning the movement. Thus, we know what the European Union is urgently condemning but we do not know who. Moreover, progressive feminist discourses such as the rejection of patriarchal social order seem to have overtaken the arena of the European Parliament. Still, most of the perspective taken in the discourses and initiatives listed are symptomatologic treatment of the problem. Finally, the European Commission's texts differ from those of the European Parliament because of a significant economic cost-benefit approach to gender equality. This perspective could be described as a neoliberal discourse using feminist values of egalitarianism and empowerment for non-feminist purposes. This raises the question of gender equality for whom and especially for what?Show less
Abstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese...Show moreAbstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese infrastructure investment project. The EU deems the forum problematic because it divides Member States (MSs) in terms of relations with China, preventing the EU from taking a common position on China. The EU fears that this and other consequences will deteriorate its functioning and security. However, despite the EU’s fears, twelve EU MSs still participate in the forum. This raises an important question: Why do governments of BRI-17+1-forum participants that are also EU MSs choose to cooperate with China, despite that the EU fears that this will deteriorate its functioning and security? The literature gives several arguments for this, but this thesis will only test whether one of these arguments, whether these EU MSs have come to see cooperation with China in the forum as “a viable alternative to the EU project” respectively, is a valid answer to this question. Based on case studies of Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia and the application of shelter theory, it is concluded that this argument played a role in the decision of these countries to participate in the BRI-17+1-forum. However, the study also shows that Lithuania, and to a lesser extent Slovakia, have started to consider the forum less important because expectations are not met and because of the risks involved in cooperating with China.Show less
This research investigates the factors that influence the collective action in the European Union, as it is an unique organisation. To do that it has determined the European Council as the most...Show moreThis research investigates the factors that influence the collective action in the European Union, as it is an unique organisation. To do that it has determined the European Council as the most influential body that can ensure collective action between the sovereign member states of the European Union. To assess how that is done the design principles of Elinor Ostrom (1992) are used as a measurement. Together with scapegoat theory, borrowed from social-psychology, the actions of the European Council are analysed in two cases. Where the first case, the EU-Turkey deal as a response to the refugee crisis of 2015, had successful collective action. The second case was less successful, as in the poisoning of Navalny a collective response failed. In both the cases there was the possibility to blame an equal scapegoat, however, the affected actors differed in their tangibility. The study shows that some of the design principles are easily discarded in the EU, which hampers the success of cooperation. Furthermore, it shows that a scapegoat can influence the working of Ostrom’s design principles, however, to increase the external validity of that a more diverse case study must be done.Show less
With the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European...Show moreWith the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European strategic autonomy (ESA), so, as is the case with the EU’s external policies, the national perspectives of Member States are its obvious basis. Historically, the Netherlands has been an obstructionist when it came to European security and defence integration due to its Atlanticist position, begging the question: how is European strategic autonomy represented in Dutch politics? To understand the Dutch perspective and positioning regarding ESA, this thesis drew from the field of Critical Geopolitics, conducting an interpretive-explanatory research employing discourse analysis by analysing statements made by party representatives in the Tweede Kamer during the period of 2016-2021. Three distinct schools of thought underpinning the representations of ESA in the Dutch debate. The Sovereigntists are Eurosceptics who present ESA as an attempt to establish a European army and a threat to national sovereignty. The Europeanists actively champion ESA and envision it as an emancipatory project to make the EU able to act independently of the US because it is an increasingly unreliable ally. The Atlanticists present ESA as an opportunity to take responsibility within NATO and improve burden-sharing with the US. This thesis found that the Dutch debate regarding European security policy has substantially Europeanised. While the Atlanticists are still cautious, they no longer take an active obstructionist position, instead adopting Europeanist talking-points from the 90s. Considering this Europeanist momentum, there is potential for the Netherlands to become an active and serious promotor of ambitious European security commitments.Show less
The COVID-19 pandemic displayed a crisis with complex policy issues and relied on the responses of national governments. This study seeks to investigate the influence of structural determinants on...Show moreThe COVID-19 pandemic displayed a crisis with complex policy issues and relied on the responses of national governments. This study seeks to investigate the influence of structural determinants on these responses, rather than short-term mechanisms. The responses could either be perceived as stringent or liberal, based on data extracted from the Oxford stringency index. Earlier research shows that long-term conditions have a larger effect on crisis policy response and offer more predictive results. Based on these structural determinants, five conditions were found using academic literature and turned into testable hypotheses. The level of democracy, political trust, economic development, the level of social safety net and state capacity to shape crisis policy response were derived from the literature and chosen for this research. Accordingly, a multiple regression analysis was performed to examine the relationship between a combination of these independent variables and the Oxford stringency index, serving as outcome variable. The results found that there is a significant relationship between these independent variables and the stringency index of the COVID-19 policy response. Particularly the economic development and state capacity of a state were deemed to be significant.Show less
