This thesis engages in the debate surrounding the EU's NextGenerationEU recovery fund: more than €800 billion to member states to help them through the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. These...Show moreThis thesis engages in the debate surrounding the EU's NextGenerationEU recovery fund: more than €800 billion to member states to help them through the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. These funds are raised through common EU debt and some of them are provided in the form of grants. This combination led to discussions about the significance of the programme for European integration and the EU's possible evolution from an international organisation towards a federal state, specifically whether it bears similarity to the 'Hamiltonian moment,' a set of 18th-century fiscal reforms in the United States. The thesis compares NGEU and the Hamiltonian moment in terms of their respective context, content and consequences. It finds that the NGEU programme did not constitute Europe's very own Hamiltonian moment due to its very different and much less significant impact on the functioning of fiscal policy in its polity.Show less
This research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine....Show moreThis research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Through the implementation of a comprehensive framework, this research enables a thorough examination of the selection process for specific types of sanctions, their application across various sectors, and the consideration of exceptions. The study expands upon existing literature by integrating feedback effects into the framework, alongside normative, domestic political, and geopolitical factors, as well as diffusion effects. The findings underscore the significant influence of normative and geopolitical considerations, while also highlighting the constraints imposed by humanitarian and economic concerns. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a dynamic sanctions regime shaped by feedback mechanisms and evolving geopolitical dynamics. By providing a solid foundation, this study paves the way for future research efforts on sanction design. It enables comparisons with other entities that impose sanctions and facilitates the evaluation of diverse sanctioning instruments in terms of their effectiveness.Show less
This thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim...Show moreThis thesis is organized in the following way. Chapter 1 discusses relevant scholarly literature which explains the concepts of populism, Euroscepticism, Dutch right-wing political parties, Muslim immigration and integration in the Netherlands and illustrates the suitable cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Furthermore, Chapter 2 presents the methodology; a qualitative framing analysis applied to the PVV and FvD party manifestos. This thesis examines three levels demonstrating how Muslim immigrants and the EU are framed as a threat to Dutch society. These dimensions are separated into three chapters: the cultural, political, and economic dimensions. Chapter 3 presents the cultural dimension and analyzes the themes of national identity preservation, cultural clashes, stereotyping, and scapegoating. Moreover, Chapter 4 composes the political dimension with subchapters on the anti-establishment stance of the parties, national sovereignty threat, and policy proposals. The last chapter, Chapter 5, constructs the economic dimension and comprises the perceived financial burden, welfare state threat, and exclusive economic cooperation. Lastly, a discussion of the framing analysis of the manifestos and concluding remarks are presented.Show less
Throughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for...Show moreThroughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for populist parties within Europe could have negative consequences for the future of the EU, this thesis is concerned with the Eurosceptic behaviour of populist parties in one member state of the EU, namely the Netherlands. This thesis conducts an analysis of the discourse and voting behaviour of a Dutch left-wing populist party, the Socialist Party, and right-wing populist party, the Party for Freedom, regarding the European Union in order to find out to what extent populist parties with different ideological persuasions share a Eurosceptic stance due to their shared populism. As a result, the research question of this thesis is: In what ways do populist left-wing and populist right-wing parties’ discourse and voting behaviour on the issue of the EU differ in the Netherlands? Based on the analysis of the chosen sources, which include party manifestos, parliamentary debates and votes in the Dutch House of Representatives, the final results of this analysis reveal that the left-wing SP and right-wing PVV do have some similar stances on the EU due to their populist background, but predominantly have different motivations for their Eurosceptic stance due to their ideological persuasions. Therefore, this thesis concludes that we cannot speak of a unified populist Eurosceptic narrative.Show less
The European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of...Show moreThe European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of politicization and how it can be related to the European Central Bank in the period from 2003 to 2019. In this research there will be a focus on institutional politicization, meaning that it will look at institutional aspects of the ECB itself to see if they are politicized. To measure the relevance of politicization within this case study, four dimensions will be looked into: (1) the voting behavior, on recommendations for candidates for the ECB executive board, of the European parliament; (2) the questionnaires that the three candidates for ECB president received from the European parliament; (3) the communication strategy of the ECB; and (4) the centralization within the ECB. The findings suggest that the dimensions demonstrate potentially politicized aspects.Show less
ABSTRACT This study will examine to what extent possible democratic backsliding in Croatia is occurring. Comparisons are drawn between the widely covered democratic backsliding in Hungary and the...Show moreABSTRACT This study will examine to what extent possible democratic backsliding in Croatia is occurring. Comparisons are drawn between the widely covered democratic backsliding in Hungary and the possible democratic backsliding in Croatia. To operationalize democracy and its backlash a theory first coined by Levitsky and Way will be used, Competitive Authoritarianism. The study will assess how Croatia scores on the different indicators that CA is composed of. One of the key findings of this study is that in both countries an electoral system exists with unbalanced constituencies, which can substantially influence election results. Another similarity that can be drawn on the basis of this study is of the politicized media authorities. The institutions that should be ensuring independence of the media are heavily politicized themselves, thus not independent. As far as lawsuits against journalists on the basis of libel and defamation the situation in both countries is problematic and raising concerns. Lawsuits against journalists are not often initiated by politicians and public figures, this leads to self-censorship of the media. Where claims about disadvantaging critical media financially can be made for the case of Hungary, for Croatia no strong evidence exist this is occurring. The main finding of the study is that the trends emerging within Hungary in regard to democratic backsliding only partially manifest themselves in Croatian society since EU accession. Due to the emerging characteristics of a CA regime the status of democracy in Croatia must be further examined.Show less
Development cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives...Show moreDevelopment cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives tied to the latter. To be sure, that notion is applicable to the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTFA), born in the wake of the 2015 migrant crisis out of a desire to severely limit migration to the EU. Although it was created as an emergency fund, its scope and organisational design do not reflect this label and have ever outgrown it, until the merging of the EUTFA in the European Commission’s new ‘Global Europe’ instrument in 2021. This paper analyses 8 EUTFA programmes along a frame of public administration theory and various relevant literature. In concert with EUFTA reports it answers multiple questions aimed at understanding the influence of organisational design on development cooperation, specifically in the complex environment of a politically laden fund. Do domestic policies take precedence over aiding countries in the European Neighbourhood?Show less
How can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis...Show moreHow can we understand the EU as a foreign policy actor? The research presented here aims to answer this old, but increasingly relevant, question by applying a narrative analysis. This analysis based on texts by the European Commission and European Parliament provides insights into how the EU constructs its own position in the international arena. Most importantly, the research establishes that both institutions are increasingly constructing the EU as a powerful, interest-driven, actor which should aim to develop capabilities similar to those of its constituent nation-states. Thereby, calls for a more 'geopolitical' EU are moved alongside the value-driven approach that was still dominant little over a decade ago.Show less
The LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its...Show moreThe LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its Easternmost member states. In response to recent events, the European Commission has communicated that the Union must be at the forefront of efforts to better protect LGBTIQ people’s rights. This study critically examines the changing self-perception of the European Commission as it engages with the conflict over LGBTIQ rights. Process tracing of the emergence, (lack of) diffusion and subsequent contestation of the LGBTIQ norm in the region reveals that the ongoing dispute of values between the East and the West is a self-inflicted wound which can be traced back to the Eastern enlargement accession negotiations. The timid approach to the enforcement of European Union membership criteria has caused a normative gap post-accession, resulting in a regional identity crisis. Norm polarisation theory is proposed as a theoretical framework which can describe the deepening rift between the Union’s human rights profile on one hand, and Polish insistence on the right to tradition and sovereignty on the other.Show less
This study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to...Show moreThis study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to test unused trade potential and predicts trade flows between China and the EU28 to estimate the unexhausted trade potential. The empirical results show that global Chinese trade flows follows a Heckscher-Ohlin model with dominant inter-industry trade. For Sino-European trade, Heckscher Ohlin explains EU exports. However for EU imports of China and total Sino-European trade flows, no model could be identified. The calculated Trade Complementarity Index shows that EU imports have a higher complementary with Chinese exports than EU exports and Chinese imports, indicating that the EU is a better export market for China than vice versa. The complementarity explains trade flows better than the conformity model and predicts unexhausted trade potential between the EU and China. Large unexhausted potential is mostly found in Chinese exports to the EU, indicating that China benefits most from improving trade relations between the EU and China. On the member state level, large heterogeneity in trade potential is found. A small number of member states outperform their predicted trade flows. Most EU member states have unexhausted export potential with China, and China has unexhausted export potential towards the majority of EU member states.Show less
