The thesis explores the different opinions of three different EU institutions (The European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council of the European Union) about the future of the...Show moreThe thesis explores the different opinions of three different EU institutions (The European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council of the European Union) about the future of the European Stability Mechanism.Show less
The 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its...Show moreThe 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its successful emergence, 2019 saw the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten. Adopting a multi-method approach that speaks to current literature on the EU’s perceived democratic deficit, this thesis highlights that from pluralist, libertarian, social democratic, and deliberative democracy perspectives the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten improved the democratic legitimacy of the Commission Presidency, reducing the EU’s democratic deficit. This thesis further finds that the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 constituted a retraction of this democratic legitimacy from three of the four philosophical perspectives, expanding the democratic deficit accordingly. Utilising the insights of MEPs further enhances these findings, grounding them in theoretical and practical terms. As one of the initial studies that have analysed the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten following its repudiation in 2019, this research holds significant potential to inform our understanding of the current shape of contemporary European democracy and the EU’s democratic deficit.Show less
Through an in-depth analysis of the EU's response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016, the shortcomings of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) are revealed. This study investigates...Show moreThrough an in-depth analysis of the EU's response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016, the shortcomings of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) are revealed. This study investigates what factors led EU member states (MSs) to violate the CEAS' principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing in their response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016. Whereas a collective response in a spirit of solidarity was expected, MSs implemented unilateral measures driven by their national political interests. Through qualitative research and content analysis of the CEAS' legal setup as well as a case study of Hungary and Germany's responses to the migrant crisis, this study has identified two dominant factors that explain for the lack of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing in the EU's response to the crisis. Firstly, this study argues that insufficient compliance rates with the CEAS as well as some of its dysfunctional legal instruments, such as the Dublin Regulation, have led MSs to violate the principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing. Secondly, it argues that national political climates and interests have affected the MSs’ willingness and ability to comply with the CEAS' principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing. In order to prevent a similar crisis from unfolding in the future, the CEAS' legal instruments must be revised, however, any attempt at creating a reformed CEAS should take into account individual interests and contexts of MSs.Show less
After the financial crash of 2008 the intellectual thought of the Austrian-Hungarian scholar Karl Polanyi (1889-1964) has seen a resurgence in academic research to explain the origins of the crisis...Show moreAfter the financial crash of 2008 the intellectual thought of the Austrian-Hungarian scholar Karl Polanyi (1889-1964) has seen a resurgence in academic research to explain the origins of the crisis. His notions of the (dis)embeddedness of markets and the double movement have proven to be useful concepts in the analysis of the origins and effects of the financial crash of 2008. However, currently there is an intellectual debate going on between so called hard- and soft-Polanyian scholars on the understanding of the notion of (re)embedding the market. Soft-Polanyians believe in the possibility of embeddedness and see in this Polanyian idea a call for the social-democratic ideal. Hard-Polanyians on the other hand do not understand Polanyian thought in this way and argue that Polanyi has never believed in the possibility of (re)embedding the market, since attempts to do so can only backfire societally. In addition to an analysis of this ongoing debate Polanyi’s moral and ethical approach in the conceptualization of the economy will be addressed in this thesis, with special attention to the notions of market dependency and human livelihood. Ultimately, the different perspectives present in this discussion are used to make an assessment of the potential(s) of the imposition of the financial transaction tax as it is currently underway in the legislative process of the European Union.Show less
Enlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to...Show moreEnlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to the candidate states have been becoming stricter, leading to delays in the process and the discourse about the EU’s readiness to welcome new members. Considering the negative consequences of stricter criteria, coupled with some visible compliance on the side of candidate states, it is not immediately clear why the EU decided to make conditionality stricter. This thesis explores the causes of the enlargement criteria tightening, focusing on both internal political dynamics of the EU and performance of the candidate states. It finds that stricter conditionality is caused mostly by the increased role of intergovernmentalism in the EU, due to an existing enlargement fatigue. The findings are then applied to and tested in the context of Albania and North Macedonia.Show less
The European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has...Show moreThe European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has deepened itself through policies such as the Single European Act and the European Monetary Union. These are key examples of policies adopted by the European Union in order to advance collaboration between its member states. The widening of the European Union has happened through the enlargement of the Union throughout different stages. During these stages of enlargement more countries became members of the European Union. The European Neighbourhood Policy also belongs to the widening approach of the European Union. Through this policy, the European Union has found a way to gain more influence over states that are not a member of the Union. The deepening and widening of the European Union has been felt by the Russian Federation in a number of negative ways. As the European Union continued to deepen and widen, the Russian Federation felt its geopolitical power diminish. This feeling became particularly strong as the European Union began to establish closer ties with Ukraine. Increased activity by the European Union in the Russian near abroad gave the Federation a reason to stand its ground through military action. This was done by annexing Crimea.Show less
The EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its...Show moreThe EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its trade policies. Trade relations between the EU and developing countries have existed since the inception of the EU. For a long period, the EU has focused on the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries alone, due to their colonial ties with the EU, disregarding other developing countries. However, since the mid-1990s, the ACP countries have faced the consequences of a shifting paradigm in the EU when it comes to trade policy and development. This research focuses on the recent trade relations between the EU and ACP countries. Once the EU wishes to conclude new international trade agreements, such as the controversial Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament have important roles, which influence the course of the negotiations. This research looks at the behaviour of the Commission and the European Parliament during the negotiations of the new EPAs between 2002 and 2013. The literature on the power identity of the EU in international relations is extensive, but speaks about the EU as if it were a homogenous institution. It therefore fails to distinguish the different power identities of the European Institutions. This research provides an original contribution to existing literature by distinguishing the particular identities of the Commission and the European Parliament in international trade relations. A critical discourse analysis shows that the European Parliament prioritised the concerns of the ACP countries during the negotiations and emphasised the need for development-oriented EPAs. The European Parliament challenged the arguments and negotiation tactics of the Commission, which shows that it did not agree with the course taken and intended to hold the Commission accountable. Moreover, it illustrates that the European Parliament took on the task to represent not just EU citizens, but ACP citizens as well. The Commission, on the other hand, prioritised the opening up of ACP markets, which it claimed would lead to development, and the swift conclusion of the negotiations. The Commission avoided discussing the concerns raised by the ACP countries, tried to convince others of the positive atmosphere during the negotiations, and repeatedly claimed to only have the best interests at heart for ACP countries.Show less
The mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to...Show moreThe mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to the 2014 European Parliamentary elections, marked a distinct shift in the inter-institutional power balance between the European Council and the European Parliament. As a consequence of the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as Commission President, the European Parliament had exerted considerable influence, despite not having a clear legal mandate. However, the shift in the inter-institutional balance of power was temporary. The Spitzenkandidaten system did not become codified in the Treaties and the future of the system became a subject of debate. A shift occurred in the 2014-2019 inter-election period, culminating in the non-implementation of the appointment mechanism in 2019. This thesis will trace historically the evolution of the Spitzenkandidaten system, recount the appointment procedure in 2014 and analyse the ensuing inter-institutional power struggle between the European Council and the European Parliament. To explain the non-implementation of the Spitzenkandidaten system in 2019, Müller Gomez, Wessels and Wolters (2019) theoretical approach to inter-institutional relations is implemented. In doing so, the thesis contributes to a wider debate about the institutional architecture of the EU and the balance of power between the institutions, i.e., the interplay between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism.Show less
Small states occupy a minor, yet important, aspect of the study of international relations. While large states and great powers are still accorded the lion’s share of agency in international...Show moreSmall states occupy a minor, yet important, aspect of the study of international relations. While large states and great powers are still accorded the lion’s share of agency in international politics and negotiations, scholars have long recognised that small states are not passive actors and can influence developments on the international stage despite their limited resources. This is accomplished mainly through a variety of strategies that small states apply on the international stage. The effectiveness of these strategies are subject to conditions in the wider international or institutional context, but are still the major avenue through which small state governments exercise agency outside of their national borders. These strategies have been closely examined by scholars, particularly in the context of the European Union, where the highly formalised institutional environment offers both obstacles and opportunities for small states to pursue their agendas at the supranational level. The case study of Ireland, a small state on the periphery of the EU, will be examined in order to determine how peripheral small state governments attempt to affect the development of EU policy. Irish attempts to influence EU foreign and security policy will be investigated, policies that have traditionally been dominated by analyses of large state actors. However, an increasing amount of scholarship argues that small states have the ability to affect the EU in this field as well. This thesis seeks to place the interaction between Ireland and the EU in the wider global context by examining the role a third party international organisation, the UN, has on Ireland’s influence at the EU.Show less
Trilemma of the World Economy was introduced by Dani Rodrik in order to explain conflicting nature of the existing democratic consensus between the populous and the state in the highly integrated...Show moreTrilemma of the World Economy was introduced by Dani Rodrik in order to explain conflicting nature of the existing democratic consensus between the populous and the state in the highly integrated economic environments such as the European Union. The same theoretical outlook was applied into analysis of Central and Eastern European States socioeconomic conditions amidst accession into Eurozone to showcase how European Monetary Integration works against CEE states ability to 'catch up' with the West. Qualitative Comparative Analysis will explain to what extent the knowledge of the above mentioned pattern discouraged Poland and Hungary to join the EMU.Show less
This thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established...Show moreThis thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established in the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, the Lisbon Treaties (2009) were highly influential in shaping the HR by providing increased competences and powers to the office. Where it had previously, from 1999 to 2009, only been a vague position to navigate with few official competences, the HR gained increased importance and status in the post-Lisbon European Union (EU). Accordingly, it would make sense to appoint an individual with ample experience in the field of foreign affairs to the office in the first post-Lisbon term. However, the desired HR position fell into the lap of a previous Trade Commissioner from the United Kingdom (UK), Catherine Ashton. In the following tenures, similar procedures occurred with the HR appointment over seemingly arcane criteria. This thesis provides evidence for the argument that the HR can be interpreted as a balancing factor at the EU’s highest table. Of the factors that contribute to the appointment of an individual to a leading position at the EU level, this thesis will argue that the balancing grid at the helm of the EU is the most influential factor in the appointment of the HR.Show less
Over the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both...Show moreOver the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both more empowered and active on EU affairs. At the same time, the European Parliament has become a co-legislator, (theoretically) securing parliamentary control over both the Council and the EP parts of the ordinary legislative procedure. This thesis, by way of a deep case study, gives an analysis of the methods to enact influence deployed by Dutch parliamentarians in the European Parliament and the Tweede Kamer on the Proposal for a European Labour Authority. (ELA, 2018/0064 (COD)). The thesis is based on parliamentary proceedings and interviews with M(E)Ps and others involved in the case. Among other conclusions, the importance of committee meetings is highlighted.Show less
In light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member...Show moreIn light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member States, the EU developed the ‘Everything But Arms’ trade preference program, unilaterally liberalizing trade with these countries. Currently, there are two criteria to benefit from the EBA scheme. Firstly, the country must be listed as a 'Least Developed Country' by the UN Committee for Development Policy, and secondly, these preferences can be withdrawn if the respective country ceases to adhere to fundamental human rights and certain labor rights. In light of Myanmar's violence against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State described by the UN as 'a textbook definition of ethnic cleansing,' the question over what factors determine the EU’s decision to keep Myanmar in the EBA program arise. This thesis unveils processes in the Council that led to adopting this particular foreign policy decision by systematically analyzing insights from EU policy documents and by interviewing EU representatives, answering the question as to why the EU chose to keep Myanmar in the EBA program.Show less
This thesis offers a qualitative approach to understanding the interactions between the European Parliament (EP) and the European Central Bank (ECB). The European Parliament supervises the ECB...Show moreThis thesis offers a qualitative approach to understanding the interactions between the European Parliament (EP) and the European Central Bank (ECB). The European Parliament supervises the ECB through the Banking Dialogue and the Monetary Dialogue. By doing this, the EP actively seeks to demand accountability from the ECB. The extent to which the EP does this is examined in this work. An interactionist qualitative model is used to analyse 10 hearings (1,5-3 hours) between April 2018 and June 2019. It is found that althought the European Parliament is restrained in its possibilities to demand accountability, members of the EP make effective use of the tools they have: they engage in informed and targeted dialogue, and demand accountability through scrutiny and justification requests.Show less
The European Union (EU) imports Genetically Modified (GM) Staple Crops (SC) for animal feed and to be used in food chain production. GM SC are imported mostly from the United States, Canada, Brazil...Show moreThe European Union (EU) imports Genetically Modified (GM) Staple Crops (SC) for animal feed and to be used in food chain production. GM SC are imported mostly from the United States, Canada, Brazil and Argentina. However, this is generally not public knowledge. This is partly due to EU policy on the cultivation of GM being highly regulated. Hence the belief of some that the EU is a GM-free zone. On a global perspective, the EU is one of the most conservative users of GM. One could talk of a European culture of anti-GM. For some, this culture has been intervening with science and has been prospering misinformation and mystification of GM. This has been argued to put Food Security, Safety and Sustainability at risk. Hence, the current model of Agricultural Policy in the EU is not Responsible. It is therefore important to deconstruct the culture that has formed around GM in the EU to be able to understand the discourse narrative and to analyse the decision to not cultivate but import GM SC.Show less
