Economic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state,...Show moreEconomic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state, thus this research tests the cooperative theory in which the focus is on the international behavior of the target state when assessing the effectiveness of economic sanctions. The research question driving this thesis is: are economic sanctions more effective in a non-cooperative authoritarian state or a cooperative authoritarian state? The two case studies are China (cooperative authoritarian state) and Iran (non-cooperative authoritarian state). Through five mechanisms, budget of the target state, opposition within the target state, type of sanction, commitment of the sender state, and dependence of the target state on the international community, the effectiveness of the sanctions is analyzed. Noticeably there is a stronger link between effective sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state (China) in comparison with the non-cooperative authoritarian state (Iran), the international mechanisms mostly drive the effectiveness of the sanctions in the cooperative authoritarian state, and neo-realism is a very noticeable factor in utilizing economic sanctions.Show less
This research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of...Show moreThis research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of arguments of pro-migration interest groups used as an answer on a public consultation about the Common European Asylum System in 2007 is chosen to investigate. Via a documentary analyses the influence between human rights-based arguments and cost arguments were tried measured. This was not possible, because the pro-migration interest groups almost only made human rights-based arguments. There is though evidence found that suggest that the Commission copied mainly recommendations that were in line with the aims that the Commission stated in the Green Paper. This seems to suggest that the Green Paper is an agenda-setting power tool that diminishes the amount of influence that pro-migration interest groups can have on the European immigration policy.Show less
This thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and...Show moreThis thesis is an attempt to refresh the research done on the indicators for the allocation of Common Agricultural Policy funds. The European Union has changed its formation, structure and institutions over the past decades but the research on CAP hasn’t been updated along with it. This thesis borrows from the multi-level governance theory and molds the idea of the “winners-” and “losers of EU integration” debate into expectations for the predictive powers of various variables. These variables simulate two theories which have been predominant in research which has been previously done for the Common Agricultural Policy: the theory of need and the compensatory theory. The total area used for agriculture, the number of farms and GDP per Capita will represent the theory of need whilst the compensatory mechanism is simulated through a public opinion form of euroscepticism and a variable which calculates the net contribution to the EU budget to the EU budget. Key results for the thesis and improvements to the existing literature are the establishment for the net contribution to the EU budget variable, agricultural employment and GDP per Capita as predictors of CAP allocations and establishing the strength of the EU’s official allocation criteria for the CAP. Furthermore, for the first time the NUTS 2 regions have been included in research concerning CAP funding as a unity of analysis, leading to more statistically sound conclusions than what would otherwise be the case.Show less
In the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and...Show moreIn the European Union (EU) accession process the EU tries to transfer EU rules to the candidate states through conditionality. The acquis legislation and laws are not hard to implement and therefore almost all candidate states did comply with this part of the acquis. However, there is a second element of the acquis, the democratic conditionality, concerning the fundamental political principles of the EU, the norms of human rights and liberal democracy. According to the EU one of those fundamental political principles is the need to curb corruption. In what way is the EU capable of influencing the anti-corruption policy of the candidate states? Is the EU thereby affecting corruption in the candidate states? In this thesis the role of the EU on the candidate states’ anti-corruption policy is tested. Is there any relation between the role of the EU, compliance of the member states and the real level of corruption? Statistical analysis and five short case studies show that there is a difference between simple rules, laws on corruption on the one hand and perceived corruption in a state on the other. The two are not related per se and therefore the EU influence in fundamentally curbing corruption is limited. The only way corruption can be stopped is when EU efforts are back upped by national actors.Show less
In this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African...Show moreIn this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African regional cooperation are tested. Academic writing combining these two topics can hardly be found, creating a gap in the literature that this thesis seeks to fill. In analysing the historical development of the three theories, a set of indicators for each is constructed, leading to the formulation of hypotheses that are tested in the African case. The main driving force behind African integration in the 1950s and 1960s was the Pan- African movement calling for independence of African states and the end of colonialism. This ideologically driven movement was supported by a transnational elite pushing for regional cooperation. The main actors in creating the Organization of African Unity, the African Economic Community and the African Union were national leaders, basing their efforts both on Pan-African reasoning and on the maximization of national gains. The neofunctionalists’ main claim of spillover effects occurring in the integration process leading to wider and deeper cooperation cannot be proved, neither seems the role of supranational institutions to be of importance. This leads to the conclusion that a combination of federalist assumptions and liberal intergovernmentalist claims provides the best explanation for African integration.Show less
Since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case...Show moreSince the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, the European Union (EU) has seemed to work towards a unification of foreign policy interests of all member states. However, the most recent case of Libya reveals that the EU is still torn when it comes to questions of foreign policy and especially the deployments of military troops. Within the last twenty years, a number of international crises have pointed out the deficiencies of the EU with regard to these issues. With this thesis, I aim to find reasons for the inability of the EU in questions of foreign policy, and particularly military action-taking within an EU framework. I argue that the role of Germany in this context is rather crucial. As the largest and most powerful member state, Germany’s position has a large influence on the actions of the EU. Germany has been very reluctant towards using military power after the horrible events in World War II (WWII), and hence, I pose the research question: ‘To what extent does Germany’s aversion to the use of military power due to historic reasons affect the EU’s ability to speak with a common voice on issues of security and defense?’ My main argument is the following: ‘The inability of the EU to speak with a common voice with regard to military action is due to several aspects, with the largest influence being Germany’s aversion to use military power due to reasons of guilt and the country’s history’. In my thesis I find that a number of reasons may influence the inability of the EU to speak with a common voice; however, the largest effect seems to have Germany and the country’s still-existing reluctance towards using military means due to its history and consequential guilt sentiments.Show less
