In August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how...Show moreIn August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how Afghanistan’s illegitimacy has influenced the EU’s decision. Two aid allocation models based on recipient merit and donor interests are used to explain this puzzle. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative content analysis, this research illustrates how both aid allocation models sufficiently explain the EU’s decision considering Afghanistan’s illegitimacy.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal political rationality investigated through discourse. A theoretical spill-over effect is laid out to assess whether COVID-19 unleashed the potential for change of a critical juncture on neoliberal discourse. Discourse analysis of EU social policy debates and documents before and after March 2020 is carried out to compare the two emerging discourses and observe whether a state of discursive flux can be identified. Discursive flux is developed through the indicators of “ambiguity” and “heightened level of contestation” to operationalise the potential for change of a critical juncture. The narrative comparison shows that flux can be identified in the post-March-2020 discourse. Indeed, whereas the dogmas found in the baseline reflect the conceptualisation of neoliberal political rationality, the post-March-2020 discourse is shown to question each of them, rejecting their dogmatic character. New narratives emerge which outline the possibility for change away from neoliberal political rationality. This is how this thesis concludes that COVID19 amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal ideology in the EU.Show less
Within the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of...Show moreWithin the Council of the European Union, Qualified Majority Voting is being implemented in a growing number of policy areas. This thesis tries to answer the question “What is the effect of substituting unanimity with qualified majority voting on behaviour of member states’ representatives in meetings of the Council of the European Union?”. To answer this question, one case is selected, the council configuration of Agriculture and Fisheries. Through conducting interviews with member states’ representatives active in this policy area, a general overview of the negotiations there is constructed. It is found that shifting the decision rule results in more rational behaviour during the negotiations. Actors showcase more bargaining behaviour when the decision rule is Qualified Majority Voting, and more arguing when it is unanimous decision making. It was not possible to accurately pinpoint what type of negotiating was more common at a certain moment in the negotiations due to the inability to access certain dataShow less
This thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European...Show moreThis thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European level. It shows that LGBT rights have become politicized at both the European and the national level in Poland. The EU both discursively and legislatively supports LGBT rights while alleging its (pro-LGBT) values that are both universal and European apparently leading it to be an example around the world. Therefore, the pro-EU governments in Poland were clearly more pro-EU. The Civic Platform-led government, as a generally pro-EU government, was hesitant to politicize LGBT rights because of its sensitiveness. However, through the years its discourse and policy towards LGBT rights became more explicit in supporting LGBT rights. On the other hand, the PiS-led government was highly critical of LGBT rights while using its opposition to LGBT rights as a tool to campaign. Its stance on LGBT rights exemplifies its ambiguous position vis-à-vis Europe; while asserting a European identity and favoring EU membership, the government rejects some the EU’s core values. Overall, this thesis argues that the politicization of LGBT rights can be both beneficial and harmful for LGBT people. The danger of politicization though, is that LGBT rights could be used to further political ends rather than being primarily concerned with the well-being of those people.Show less
Absorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the...Show moreAbsorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the implementation stage of cohesion policy, this thesis aims to find whether the Commission as a principal can influence the absorption capacity of countries (the agents) through its control mechanisms, namely the ex-ante conditionalities and priority axes. By doing a comparative analysis of Bulgaria and Romania, findings suggest that while Bulgaria did not follow the Commission’s rules and absorbed a significant amount of funds, Romania, which strictly followed EU’s conditionalities, had its absorption capacity negatively influenced by the Commission. This negative influence is even more evident with the increased funding a member state receives for some of its operational programmes as larger financial assistance requires the country to follow more EU rules.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
For many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new...Show moreFor many years, the European Commission has been a champion for the environmental acquis Communautaire of the EU. In December 2019, it reinforced this role with the introduction of the EU’s new growth strategy: the European Green Deal. Its cornerstone is the first European Climate Law that binds the Union and its member states to climate neutrality targets. The negotiations to adopt this policy proposal happened via trilogues between the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. This research aims to open the doors of this secluded venue of decision-making to better understand the Commission’s role in them. It analyses the role of the European Commission in trilogue negotiations by using two theories: agenda-setting and politicisation. Process-tracing and document analysis were used as the main data collection and analysis methods. The analysis shows that the Commission uses a two-step strategy to be able to influence trilogues. During agenda-setting it uses its informal power to strategically use public support and the support of other institutions and its expertise to shape the future outcome of negotiations and draw on its political resources to act as a policy entrepreneur. After the proposal is on the table, the Commission uses (de)politicisation strategies to influence the negotiations and their outcome. This research shows that Commission’s influence on trilogue negotiations is dependent on its ability to use strategically its political and informal power during all stages of decision-making.Show less
The LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its...Show moreThe LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its Easternmost member states. In response to recent events, the European Commission has communicated that the Union must be at the forefront of efforts to better protect LGBTIQ people’s rights. This study critically examines the changing self-perception of the European Commission as it engages with the conflict over LGBTIQ rights. Process tracing of the emergence, (lack of) diffusion and subsequent contestation of the LGBTIQ norm in the region reveals that the ongoing dispute of values between the East and the West is a self-inflicted wound which can be traced back to the Eastern enlargement accession negotiations. The timid approach to the enforcement of European Union membership criteria has caused a normative gap post-accession, resulting in a regional identity crisis. Norm polarisation theory is proposed as a theoretical framework which can describe the deepening rift between the Union’s human rights profile on one hand, and Polish insistence on the right to tradition and sovereignty on the other.Show less
The lack of adoption and use of the e-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) system in the European justice domain mirrors the complexity of realising interoperability in Europe....Show moreThe lack of adoption and use of the e-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) system in the European justice domain mirrors the complexity of realising interoperability in Europe. Connecting the information systems of autonomous organisations with the means of technological innovation for improved efficiency can be a difficult task, and requires cooperation between all parties involved. But what drives or holds back organisations to adopt such technological innovations? While much research has been conducted on the adoption of (technological) innovations in the public and private sector, theoretical and empirical research on innovation adoption in a cross-border and judicial context is still lacking. This qualitative explanatory study used a combination of Diffusion of Innovation (DOI) theory and Technology-Organisation-Environment (TOE) framework as foundation to examine the relationship between fourteen factors (relative advantage, compatibility, complexity, trialability, observability, top management support, slack resources, costs, championship, facilitative leadership, disposition to and readiness for collaboration, trust, external pressure of social networks and network externalities, and legislation and policy) and the adoption of interoperable electronic information sharing by judicial organisations. By using e-CODEX as a case study, this thesis contributes to the literature on IT adoption by adding the cross-border, European, and judicial contexts. E-CODEX (e-Justice Communication via Online Data Exchange) is an example of a voluntary initiative that was developed with European Union (EU) financial support by a number of Member States in 2010. It is a tool based on the principle of interoperability that enables judicial authorities to exchange information and documents in a secure way. It is interoperable because it establishes a decentralised communication network between national IT systems in cross-border civil and criminal procedures. Data was gathered from interviews with members of the e-CODEX project consortium, judicial organisations (previously) participating in e-CODEX pilots, and one organisation that is currently planning to adopt e-CODEX. The findings indicate that all proposed factors in this study seem to be relevant to at least some extent for the adoption of IEIS. However, the findings also show that some factors have greater relevance than others.Show less
This study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to...Show moreThis study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to test unused trade potential and predicts trade flows between China and the EU28 to estimate the unexhausted trade potential. The empirical results show that global Chinese trade flows follows a Heckscher-Ohlin model with dominant inter-industry trade. For Sino-European trade, Heckscher Ohlin explains EU exports. However for EU imports of China and total Sino-European trade flows, no model could be identified. The calculated Trade Complementarity Index shows that EU imports have a higher complementary with Chinese exports than EU exports and Chinese imports, indicating that the EU is a better export market for China than vice versa. The complementarity explains trade flows better than the conformity model and predicts unexhausted trade potential between the EU and China. Large unexhausted potential is mostly found in Chinese exports to the EU, indicating that China benefits most from improving trade relations between the EU and China. On the member state level, large heterogeneity in trade potential is found. A small number of member states outperform their predicted trade flows. Most EU member states have unexhausted export potential with China, and China has unexhausted export potential towards the majority of EU member states.Show less
This paper explores the European Union's discourse in response to the #MeToo movement. To this aim, a qualitative exploratory study with a critical discourse analysis was conducted after in-depth...Show moreThis paper explores the European Union's discourse in response to the #MeToo movement. To this aim, a qualitative exploratory study with a critical discourse analysis was conducted after in-depth reading and manual coding of European Union preparatory legislative documents explicitly mentioning the movement. In addition, a sample of these documents was compared to similar papers before the movement to investigate whether it has influenced the formal discourse of the Union on gender-based violence and women rights. According to the results, the #MeToo movement has been used to go further and quicker on previous initiative already ongoing to fight against gender-based violence such as the Member States ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Even though prevention is at the heart of the European Union discourse in every document, it seems that after the #MeToo movement, there is a partial shift from exclusive prevention to more condemnation. However, the word perpetrator is almost absent compared to victim in all the documents analysed, even more in the ones mentioning the movement. Thus, we know what the European Union is urgently condemning but we do not know who. Moreover, progressive feminist discourses such as the rejection of patriarchal social order seem to have overtaken the arena of the European Parliament. Still, most of the perspective taken in the discourses and initiatives listed are symptomatologic treatment of the problem. Finally, the European Commission's texts differ from those of the European Parliament because of a significant economic cost-benefit approach to gender equality. This perspective could be described as a neoliberal discourse using feminist values of egalitarianism and empowerment for non-feminist purposes. This raises the question of gender equality for whom and especially for what?Show less
Abstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese...Show moreAbstract In 2012, China established the 17+1-forum together with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). It combined the forum in 2015 with the Belt and Road Initiative, an enormous Chinese infrastructure investment project. The EU deems the forum problematic because it divides Member States (MSs) in terms of relations with China, preventing the EU from taking a common position on China. The EU fears that this and other consequences will deteriorate its functioning and security. However, despite the EU’s fears, twelve EU MSs still participate in the forum. This raises an important question: Why do governments of BRI-17+1-forum participants that are also EU MSs choose to cooperate with China, despite that the EU fears that this will deteriorate its functioning and security? The literature gives several arguments for this, but this thesis will only test whether one of these arguments, whether these EU MSs have come to see cooperation with China in the forum as “a viable alternative to the EU project” respectively, is a valid answer to this question. Based on case studies of Hungary, Lithuania, and Slovakia and the application of shelter theory, it is concluded that this argument played a role in the decision of these countries to participate in the BRI-17+1-forum. However, the study also shows that Lithuania, and to a lesser extent Slovakia, have started to consider the forum less important because expectations are not met and because of the risks involved in cooperating with China.Show less
