As the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than...Show moreAs the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than ever, we need to understand what factors can help increase implementation and reduce infringements of environmental policies. There is particular lack of research on the potential relationship between public concern about climate change and the infringements of European Union environmental rules in Europe. As respect of common rules is key to maintain the stability of the European Union, infringements represent a certain risk of conflict. Therefore, this research also helps fill the literature gap in the conflict and climate nexus about climate conflict in Europe. For these purposes, this research paper explores how public concern for climate change might impact the number of infringements member states commit regarding environmental policies of the European Union. Through a OLS regression analysis, the research finds that public concern does not seem to have a significant impact on the number of infringements member states commit. This apparent absence of influence of public opinion raises serious concerns as to the people’s power to make their governments listen to them and their calls for environmental protection.Show less
This thesis researches how Dutch PRRPs agree or disagree over EU policy areas and whether this changes over time. At the national level, it is important to know how their EU positions vary for...Show moreThis thesis researches how Dutch PRRPs agree or disagree over EU policy areas and whether this changes over time. At the national level, it is important to know how their EU positions vary for gauging the possibility of long-term cooperation and the exact areas that they might influence in the future. The content analysis based on election manifestos shows that there is a variety of views on the EU, while all parties are generally Eurosceptic. Further, it is shown that PRRPs do adopt a stable position on the EU and that the source of significant position change is a split of a PRRP. So, it is expected that PRRPs will stay Eurosceptic and therefore keep trying to complicate further European integration in the future.Show less
EU agencies and comparable institutional advisory bodies have proliferated and gained increasing prominence within the politics of the European Union in recent decades, leading scholars to assert...Show moreEU agencies and comparable institutional advisory bodies have proliferated and gained increasing prominence within the politics of the European Union in recent decades, leading scholars to assert that these bodies influence the decision-making procedures in the EU through their information provision. This thesis aims to uncover whether and how the EU agencies, Europol, Frontex, eu-LISA and the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), as well as the European Data Protection Supervisor (EDPS) exerted influence on the policymaking process on establishing a framework for interoperability between the EU’s large-scale information systems. Its theoretical foundation is derived from interest group influence research and empirically it synthesises evidence from qualitative document analysis and elite interviews conducted with officials from Europol, eu-LISA, and the EDPS.Show less
This thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that,...Show moreThis thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that, the thesis will answer the following research question: “How coherent is the European Union’s external cybersecurity strategy with the EU’s willingness to become more active at the international level ?” More precisely, the thesis will assess whether the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy corresponds to the key principles and helps fulfill the objectives set out by the 2016's European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) for the EU to become more active externally. The thesis is based on content analysis of the documents on cybersecurity published by the EU from 2013, the year of the first EU cybersecurity strategy's publication, to december 2020, when the second EU cybersecurity strategy was released.Show less
This thesis examines the EU ETS and analyzes the Scheme's ability to support the EU’s climate leadership, which is founded on the principle of ‘leading by example’. As this is the most prominent...Show moreThis thesis examines the EU ETS and analyzes the Scheme's ability to support the EU’s climate leadership, which is founded on the principle of ‘leading by example’. As this is the most prominent formulation of EU climate leadership, a normative lens is used to analyze the nature and implications of the EU ETS. This is done using Ian Manner’s conception of normative power, which argues that the EU’s international power stems from its ability to shape international ideas by adhering to domestic norms. The author argues that the set-up of the ETS does not sufficiently incorporate fundamental EU values. Due to the policy’s significance in wider EU climate efforts, its lack of value incorporation results in a diminishing of the credibility of the EU’s climate leadership on an international level, and thus leads to a decrease in the region’s possibility to exert normative power.Show less
The current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in...Show moreThe current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in the European Parliament. To do so, existing data from the European Social Survey (n=38,691) is combined with domestic political equality scores created by Freedom House. The study provides new insights as previous research has focused on different geographies, specific marginalized groups, or only on either the national or European Parliament. Results seem to indicate that domestic political equality has a significant positive relation with trust in national parliament. Additionally, members of discriminated groups show significantly lower trust in the national parliament than those individuals who do not consider themselves to be part of a discriminated group. The results also indicate a positive relationship between trust in national parliament and trust in the European Parliament. Additionally, it is shown that most of the effects of domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group on trust in the European Parliament are mediated by trust in national parliament. Nonetheless, there are significant residual direct effects in which both domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group negatively impact trust in the European Parliament. While membership of a discriminated group exercises a negative direct effect on both trust in national parliament and European Parliament, domestic political equality shows a positive direct effect on trust in the national parliament but a negative direct effect on trust in the European Parliament. This seems to indicate that individuals living in politically unequal countries are more likely to trust the European Parliament unless they have high trust in the National parliament, and vice versa. There also seems to be an indication that the basis upon which individuals are discriminated against influences trust in both national parliament and the European Parliament. While those discriminated based on nationality, age, disability, language and 2 3 ‘other unspecified factors’ display decreased levels of trust in both national and European Parliament, those discriminated based on sexuality display increased levels of trust but only in the European Parliament. Individuals member of a group that is discriminated against based on race, ethnic group, or gender do not display different levels of trust in the national and European Parliament compared to those who are not discriminated against. In order to ensure trust in the national parliament it seems important to strive for the social inclusion of individuals who are part of a group that is currently discriminated against. National parliament might increase the level of trust of citizens towards the parliament by maximizing domestic political equality. Furthermore, the European Parliament should aim to increase trust in the national parliament as this will likely translate into increased levels of trust in the European Parliament as well.Show less
The thesis explores the different opinions of three different EU institutions (The European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council of the European Union) about the future of the...Show moreThe thesis explores the different opinions of three different EU institutions (The European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council of the European Union) about the future of the European Stability Mechanism.Show less
The 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its...Show moreThe 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its successful emergence, 2019 saw the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten. Adopting a multi-method approach that speaks to current literature on the EU’s perceived democratic deficit, this thesis highlights that from pluralist, libertarian, social democratic, and deliberative democracy perspectives the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten improved the democratic legitimacy of the Commission Presidency, reducing the EU’s democratic deficit. This thesis further finds that the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 constituted a retraction of this democratic legitimacy from three of the four philosophical perspectives, expanding the democratic deficit accordingly. Utilising the insights of MEPs further enhances these findings, grounding them in theoretical and practical terms. As one of the initial studies that have analysed the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten following its repudiation in 2019, this research holds significant potential to inform our understanding of the current shape of contemporary European democracy and the EU’s democratic deficit.Show less
Through an in-depth analysis of the EU's response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016, the shortcomings of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) are revealed. This study investigates...Show moreThrough an in-depth analysis of the EU's response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016, the shortcomings of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) are revealed. This study investigates what factors led EU member states (MSs) to violate the CEAS' principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing in their response to the European migrant crisis of 2015-2016. Whereas a collective response in a spirit of solidarity was expected, MSs implemented unilateral measures driven by their national political interests. Through qualitative research and content analysis of the CEAS' legal setup as well as a case study of Hungary and Germany's responses to the migrant crisis, this study has identified two dominant factors that explain for the lack of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing in the EU's response to the crisis. Firstly, this study argues that insufficient compliance rates with the CEAS as well as some of its dysfunctional legal instruments, such as the Dublin Regulation, have led MSs to violate the principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing. Secondly, it argues that national political climates and interests have affected the MSs’ willingness and ability to comply with the CEAS' principles of solidarity and fair responsibility-sharing. In order to prevent a similar crisis from unfolding in the future, the CEAS' legal instruments must be revised, however, any attempt at creating a reformed CEAS should take into account individual interests and contexts of MSs.Show less
After the financial crash of 2008 the intellectual thought of the Austrian-Hungarian scholar Karl Polanyi (1889-1964) has seen a resurgence in academic research to explain the origins of the crisis...Show moreAfter the financial crash of 2008 the intellectual thought of the Austrian-Hungarian scholar Karl Polanyi (1889-1964) has seen a resurgence in academic research to explain the origins of the crisis. His notions of the (dis)embeddedness of markets and the double movement have proven to be useful concepts in the analysis of the origins and effects of the financial crash of 2008. However, currently there is an intellectual debate going on between so called hard- and soft-Polanyian scholars on the understanding of the notion of (re)embedding the market. Soft-Polanyians believe in the possibility of embeddedness and see in this Polanyian idea a call for the social-democratic ideal. Hard-Polanyians on the other hand do not understand Polanyian thought in this way and argue that Polanyi has never believed in the possibility of (re)embedding the market, since attempts to do so can only backfire societally. In addition to an analysis of this ongoing debate Polanyi’s moral and ethical approach in the conceptualization of the economy will be addressed in this thesis, with special attention to the notions of market dependency and human livelihood. Ultimately, the different perspectives present in this discussion are used to make an assessment of the potential(s) of the imposition of the financial transaction tax as it is currently underway in the legislative process of the European Union.Show less
Enlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to...Show moreEnlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to the candidate states have been becoming stricter, leading to delays in the process and the discourse about the EU’s readiness to welcome new members. Considering the negative consequences of stricter criteria, coupled with some visible compliance on the side of candidate states, it is not immediately clear why the EU decided to make conditionality stricter. This thesis explores the causes of the enlargement criteria tightening, focusing on both internal political dynamics of the EU and performance of the candidate states. It finds that stricter conditionality is caused mostly by the increased role of intergovernmentalism in the EU, due to an existing enlargement fatigue. The findings are then applied to and tested in the context of Albania and North Macedonia.Show less
The European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has...Show moreThe European can be described as a geopolitical actor. This can be done by looking at the way the European Union has ‘deepened’ and ‘widened’ throughout its existence. The European Union has deepened itself through policies such as the Single European Act and the European Monetary Union. These are key examples of policies adopted by the European Union in order to advance collaboration between its member states. The widening of the European Union has happened through the enlargement of the Union throughout different stages. During these stages of enlargement more countries became members of the European Union. The European Neighbourhood Policy also belongs to the widening approach of the European Union. Through this policy, the European Union has found a way to gain more influence over states that are not a member of the Union. The deepening and widening of the European Union has been felt by the Russian Federation in a number of negative ways. As the European Union continued to deepen and widen, the Russian Federation felt its geopolitical power diminish. This feeling became particularly strong as the European Union began to establish closer ties with Ukraine. Increased activity by the European Union in the Russian near abroad gave the Federation a reason to stand its ground through military action. This was done by annexing Crimea.Show less
The EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its...Show moreThe EU is one of the world’s largest markets and an important export destination for developing countries. Especially African countries depend on the European market and are greatly affected by its trade policies. Trade relations between the EU and developing countries have existed since the inception of the EU. For a long period, the EU has focused on the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries alone, due to their colonial ties with the EU, disregarding other developing countries. However, since the mid-1990s, the ACP countries have faced the consequences of a shifting paradigm in the EU when it comes to trade policy and development. This research focuses on the recent trade relations between the EU and ACP countries. Once the EU wishes to conclude new international trade agreements, such as the controversial Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament have important roles, which influence the course of the negotiations. This research looks at the behaviour of the Commission and the European Parliament during the negotiations of the new EPAs between 2002 and 2013. The literature on the power identity of the EU in international relations is extensive, but speaks about the EU as if it were a homogenous institution. It therefore fails to distinguish the different power identities of the European Institutions. This research provides an original contribution to existing literature by distinguishing the particular identities of the Commission and the European Parliament in international trade relations. A critical discourse analysis shows that the European Parliament prioritised the concerns of the ACP countries during the negotiations and emphasised the need for development-oriented EPAs. The European Parliament challenged the arguments and negotiation tactics of the Commission, which shows that it did not agree with the course taken and intended to hold the Commission accountable. Moreover, it illustrates that the European Parliament took on the task to represent not just EU citizens, but ACP citizens as well. The Commission, on the other hand, prioritised the opening up of ACP markets, which it claimed would lead to development, and the swift conclusion of the negotiations. The Commission avoided discussing the concerns raised by the ACP countries, tried to convince others of the positive atmosphere during the negotiations, and repeatedly claimed to only have the best interests at heart for ACP countries.Show less
The mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to...Show moreThe mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to the 2014 European Parliamentary elections, marked a distinct shift in the inter-institutional power balance between the European Council and the European Parliament. As a consequence of the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as Commission President, the European Parliament had exerted considerable influence, despite not having a clear legal mandate. However, the shift in the inter-institutional balance of power was temporary. The Spitzenkandidaten system did not become codified in the Treaties and the future of the system became a subject of debate. A shift occurred in the 2014-2019 inter-election period, culminating in the non-implementation of the appointment mechanism in 2019. This thesis will trace historically the evolution of the Spitzenkandidaten system, recount the appointment procedure in 2014 and analyse the ensuing inter-institutional power struggle between the European Council and the European Parliament. To explain the non-implementation of the Spitzenkandidaten system in 2019, Müller Gomez, Wessels and Wolters (2019) theoretical approach to inter-institutional relations is implemented. In doing so, the thesis contributes to a wider debate about the institutional architecture of the EU and the balance of power between the institutions, i.e., the interplay between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism.Show less
