Accredited Parliamentary Assistants are ‘eyes and ears’ of Members of the European Parliament, yet their influence on MEPs and role as a backstage support has not been widely discussed. The scope...Show moreAccredited Parliamentary Assistants are ‘eyes and ears’ of Members of the European Parliament, yet their influence on MEPs and role as a backstage support has not been widely discussed. The scope of APAs tasks and employment status prevent unequivocal categorisation. This paper draws from the literature on ‘policy professionals’ and three types of knowledge provision: problem formulation; process expertise; information access to shed more light on their work and environment which they operate. To answer the research question, six hypotheses were formulated and descriptive statistics and statistical analysis were applied. The anonymous, online survey was conducted among APAs and the set of data was collected (N = 116). The thesis concluded that APAs share similarities with policy professionals – yet they differ in their attitude towards academic education and on-the-job training.Show less
This thesis analyses the development of the Sino-European economic relationship in regards to the case of bilateral solar panel trade throughout the twenty-first century. The thesis illustrates the...Show moreThis thesis analyses the development of the Sino-European economic relationship in regards to the case of bilateral solar panel trade throughout the twenty-first century. The thesis illustrates the de facto economic relationship between the two powers according to international relation theory. A case study of the Chinese solar panels as a diplomatic tool, its export to the European market and the European response, and opening up of trade relations will conclude what role the solar panel export played in the development of Sino-European economic relations and which theory of international relations is most applicable in the case.Show less
The European Union (EU) is founded on the principle of ‘unity in diversity’, that is the diversity of cultures, customs and beliefs, and languages. Today around 445 million people, who together...Show moreThe European Union (EU) is founded on the principle of ‘unity in diversity’, that is the diversity of cultures, customs and beliefs, and languages. Today around 445 million people, who together speak over 80 languages, find their home in the 27 member states of the EU. As the EU greatly values its rich cultural and linguistic diversity, it is committed to safeguarding its 24 official languages and promoting the learning of multiple languages in the Member States of the EU. One of the main goals of the EU’s language policies and initiatives is for every citizen to be able to speak two languages in addition to their mother tongue. This goal, first formulated in 1995, is also known as the ‘mother tongue + 2’ formula. In the 2002 Barcelona European Council, the EU called for the improvement of education in order to give students the chance to develop language skills in two foreign languages in school. In reality, however, not all citizens are convinced of the merits of speaking various languages, which shows that linguistic diversity is not yet the norm. Besides that, publications of the European Commission show that only a quarter of EU citizens are able to hold a conversation in two foreign languages. As Member States of the EU have the right to decide on their own language policy due to the principle of subsidiarity, the influence of the EU’s language policy is limited. For this reason, the aim of this thesis is to investigate the reality of compliance to the ‘mother tongue + 2’ formula through the analysation of national language policies and language learning in two Member States, namely the Netherlands and Hungary. By conducting qualitative literature review this thesis found that in both countries the education system plays an important role in the acquisition of foreign language knowledge. However, in both countries a lot of improvements can be made in order to assure that every citizen learns two languages besides their mother tongue.Show less
Financialization is a multifaceted social phenomenon with a notable degree of transnational heterogeneity. This thesis seeks to approach existing literature gaps that may account for such...Show moreFinancialization is a multifaceted social phenomenon with a notable degree of transnational heterogeneity. This thesis seeks to approach existing literature gaps that may account for such transnational heterogeneity. The first literature gap is the under-exploration of possible connections of democracy to financialization. The second is the lack of a multidimensional analysis exploring the possible relationship between financialization and institutional characteristics. These institutional characteristics are centred around the type of democracy and capitalism regimes which is based on a majoritarian versus consensus-based democracy whereas the economic side is approached through varieties of capitalism and demand regime theory that are respectively dichotomized into liberal market economy versus coordinated market economy and export-led versus debt-led regimes. Financialization is based on three different approaches: the emergence of a new regime of accumulation, the ascendency of shareholder orientation, and the financialization of everyday life. The thesis is hypothesis generating, based on a possible relationship between democracy and capitalism with financialization. The research design employs a crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis based on 23 countries. The findings of this thesis are largely inconclusive, requiring further research through different or more refined approaches. In the emergence of a new regime of accumulation and the financialization of everyday life, a general pattern divided the financialization and no-financialization outcomes on a largely geographic basis with a East-West Europe divide. The ascendency of shareholder orientation, meanwhile, saw a large number of necessary or quasi-necessary conditions that may help account for the financialization outcome and only occurred in cases where the emergence of a new regime of accumulation and financialization of everyday life also occurs indicating a possibility that those are necessary conditions.Show less
This research aims to contribute to the debates on the democratic deficit of the European Union by researching the added value of EU membership in the field of cybersecurity. One of the main...Show moreThis research aims to contribute to the debates on the democratic deficit of the European Union by researching the added value of EU membership in the field of cybersecurity. One of the main arguments when discussing the democratic deficit of the EU, argues that the EU fulfils its democratic purposes, if it works ‘for’ the people. By providing effective governance and polity, the EU membership makes cyberspace safer and more secure for its member states, which is beneficial for all EU citizens. The EU and its agencies facilitate effective and operative cooperation that works ‘for’ the people. This research focused on two member states as case studies, The Netherlands and Hungary and found evidence that the EU provides a trusted and operative environment which contributes to cybersecurity in unique ways like no other international cooperation. This research looks for evidence that Europeanization, securitization, and interdependence drive the integration in cybersecurity at the European level.Show less
As Covid-19 was beginning to spread, European leaders were forced to debate not only the continued funding of the EU for the next 7 years, but a fiscal relief package as well. Sweden resisted calls...Show moreAs Covid-19 was beginning to spread, European leaders were forced to debate not only the continued funding of the EU for the next 7 years, but a fiscal relief package as well. Sweden resisted calls to approve of the Commission’s 3 trillion-euro plan, begging the question how does Sweden justify its resistance to fiscal redistribution at the EU level in the face of a symmetrical crisis? Solidarity is a complicated subject matter in the world of international affairs, to assist in better understanding a concept written into EU treaties this thesis created a comprehensive typology of solidarity, broken down into humanitarian and social contract subtypes, with the social contract possessing two further categories, interdependence/mutual responsibility, and conditional solidarity. To understand Sweden’s positioning and messaging, the methodology employed was a discourse analysis by utilizing statements made by Swedish politicians and officials from the Government, Riksdag, and European Parliament to understand the messaging and ideas that were presented in their respective forums. This paper finds that Sweden predominantly utilizes conditional solidarity in its discourse, with modernization, trust and invertedly, identity, being primary factors in determining Swedish disposition of aid. Discourse and internal matters which were created from prior experiences in the early 1990s during a domestic financial crisis, that have bled over into Swedish-European relations. This in turn has opened a gap for anti-EU parties and politicians to mask their rhetoric as a new norm to push a narrative for the breakdown of Swedish contributions and interactions in the EU to prevent further interdependence between Member States.Show less
This research investigates the compliance with European Union law in the policy area of internal market in Hungary. The study focuses on economic and political motivations for non-compliance. It...Show moreThis research investigates the compliance with European Union law in the policy area of internal market in Hungary. The study focuses on economic and political motivations for non-compliance. It gives an overview of the Hungarian EU membership by exploring the political situation and the implementation performance of the country. Two case studies are presented that aim to analyse the advantages, benefits and disadvantages, possible consequences of non-compliance. The thesis argues that national political preferences and governments of the EU member states play an important role in compliance.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
This thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes...Show moreThis thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes traditional colonial activities have not ended after decolonisation but are continued ‘hidden in plain sight’. The criteria to investigate these mechanisms are economic predominance, political influence, and perpetuation of socio-economic disparities by cooperation with an elite in the former colony. The theoretical framework draws from the fields of international relations and anthropology. Energy security being the main priority for Algeria, France, and the EU, it dictates the development of new energy resources, often failing to take into account the effects on inhabitants of the extraction zones thus maintaining neo-colonial mechanisms.Show less
As the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than...Show moreAs the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than ever, we need to understand what factors can help increase implementation and reduce infringements of environmental policies. There is particular lack of research on the potential relationship between public concern about climate change and the infringements of European Union environmental rules in Europe. As respect of common rules is key to maintain the stability of the European Union, infringements represent a certain risk of conflict. Therefore, this research also helps fill the literature gap in the conflict and climate nexus about climate conflict in Europe. For these purposes, this research paper explores how public concern for climate change might impact the number of infringements member states commit regarding environmental policies of the European Union. Through a OLS regression analysis, the research finds that public concern does not seem to have a significant impact on the number of infringements member states commit. This apparent absence of influence of public opinion raises serious concerns as to the people’s power to make their governments listen to them and their calls for environmental protection.Show less
This thesis researches how Dutch PRRPs agree or disagree over EU policy areas and whether this changes over time. At the national level, it is important to know how their EU positions vary for...Show moreThis thesis researches how Dutch PRRPs agree or disagree over EU policy areas and whether this changes over time. At the national level, it is important to know how their EU positions vary for gauging the possibility of long-term cooperation and the exact areas that they might influence in the future. The content analysis based on election manifestos shows that there is a variety of views on the EU, while all parties are generally Eurosceptic. Further, it is shown that PRRPs do adopt a stable position on the EU and that the source of significant position change is a split of a PRRP. So, it is expected that PRRPs will stay Eurosceptic and therefore keep trying to complicate further European integration in the future.Show less
EU agencies and comparable institutional advisory bodies have proliferated and gained increasing prominence within the politics of the European Union in recent decades, leading scholars to assert...Show moreEU agencies and comparable institutional advisory bodies have proliferated and gained increasing prominence within the politics of the European Union in recent decades, leading scholars to assert that these bodies influence the decision-making procedures in the EU through their information provision. This thesis aims to uncover whether and how the EU agencies, Europol, Frontex, eu-LISA and the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), as well as the European Data Protection Supervisor (EDPS) exerted influence on the policymaking process on establishing a framework for interoperability between the EU’s large-scale information systems. Its theoretical foundation is derived from interest group influence research and empirically it synthesises evidence from qualitative document analysis and elite interviews conducted with officials from Europol, eu-LISA, and the EDPS.Show less
This thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that,...Show moreThis thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that, the thesis will answer the following research question: “How coherent is the European Union’s external cybersecurity strategy with the EU’s willingness to become more active at the international level ?” More precisely, the thesis will assess whether the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy corresponds to the key principles and helps fulfill the objectives set out by the 2016's European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) for the EU to become more active externally. The thesis is based on content analysis of the documents on cybersecurity published by the EU from 2013, the year of the first EU cybersecurity strategy's publication, to december 2020, when the second EU cybersecurity strategy was released.Show less
This thesis examines the EU ETS and analyzes the Scheme's ability to support the EU’s climate leadership, which is founded on the principle of ‘leading by example’. As this is the most prominent...Show moreThis thesis examines the EU ETS and analyzes the Scheme's ability to support the EU’s climate leadership, which is founded on the principle of ‘leading by example’. As this is the most prominent formulation of EU climate leadership, a normative lens is used to analyze the nature and implications of the EU ETS. This is done using Ian Manner’s conception of normative power, which argues that the EU’s international power stems from its ability to shape international ideas by adhering to domestic norms. The author argues that the set-up of the ETS does not sufficiently incorporate fundamental EU values. Due to the policy’s significance in wider EU climate efforts, its lack of value incorporation results in a diminishing of the credibility of the EU’s climate leadership on an international level, and thus leads to a decrease in the region’s possibility to exert normative power.Show less
The current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in...Show moreThe current paper studies whether domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group influence trust in the national parliament, and whether these effects spill-over to trust in the European Parliament. To do so, existing data from the European Social Survey (n=38,691) is combined with domestic political equality scores created by Freedom House. The study provides new insights as previous research has focused on different geographies, specific marginalized groups, or only on either the national or European Parliament. Results seem to indicate that domestic political equality has a significant positive relation with trust in national parliament. Additionally, members of discriminated groups show significantly lower trust in the national parliament than those individuals who do not consider themselves to be part of a discriminated group. The results also indicate a positive relationship between trust in national parliament and trust in the European Parliament. Additionally, it is shown that most of the effects of domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group on trust in the European Parliament are mediated by trust in national parliament. Nonetheless, there are significant residual direct effects in which both domestic political equality and membership of a discriminated group negatively impact trust in the European Parliament. While membership of a discriminated group exercises a negative direct effect on both trust in national parliament and European Parliament, domestic political equality shows a positive direct effect on trust in the national parliament but a negative direct effect on trust in the European Parliament. This seems to indicate that individuals living in politically unequal countries are more likely to trust the European Parliament unless they have high trust in the National parliament, and vice versa. There also seems to be an indication that the basis upon which individuals are discriminated against influences trust in both national parliament and the European Parliament. While those discriminated based on nationality, age, disability, language and 2 3 ‘other unspecified factors’ display decreased levels of trust in both national and European Parliament, those discriminated based on sexuality display increased levels of trust but only in the European Parliament. Individuals member of a group that is discriminated against based on race, ethnic group, or gender do not display different levels of trust in the national and European Parliament compared to those who are not discriminated against. In order to ensure trust in the national parliament it seems important to strive for the social inclusion of individuals who are part of a group that is currently discriminated against. National parliament might increase the level of trust of citizens towards the parliament by maximizing domestic political equality. Furthermore, the European Parliament should aim to increase trust in the national parliament as this will likely translate into increased levels of trust in the European Parliament as well.Show less
