The advent of new technologies is continually changing the dynamics of political communication, making social media (especially Twitter) a direct linkage between politicians and the public,...Show moreThe advent of new technologies is continually changing the dynamics of political communication, making social media (especially Twitter) a direct linkage between politicians and the public, different from, for instance, TV interviews. Thus, it is generally believed that parties can take advantage of these new channels to spread their messages, and populist Eurosceptic parties are particularly expected to utilize them as a way to expand their support and visibility within the political field. Given this, further considerations could be raised on how these parties use social media. While some may argue that social media acts only as a complementary platform to maximize the reach of proposals, many scholars have pointed out that these parties use social media to make their discourse even more colloquial, mobilizing and radical. The research question to be addressed is: what is the discursive strategy of populist Eurosceptic parties on Twitter compared to the one on TV interviews?Show less
This study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the...Show moreThis study examines the impact of recently introduced personal data protection legislation of the European Union (EU) on the development of artificial intelligence (AI) in Europe. It compares the competitive position of the EU in relation to the United States (US), which is in many respects the market leader in the field of AI. It finds that the degree of freedom for the collection and handling of personal data by companies working with AI is central for the functioning of machine-learning and deep learning. The wide definition of personal data, as has been constituted by the EU in the Breyer case, has resulted in a wide variance of data being labelled personal data through the EU regulatory scope. Therefore, the legal framework in the EU that deals with nearly all data is the recently implemented General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), since this is the appropriate framework for personal data. This study finds that the GDPR severely limits the freedom to collect and process personal data on the long-term by companies, most notably through the "right to be forgotten" and the "right to explanation". These rights, deriving from the GDPR, have several negative effects on the ability of European companies to use personal data to develop their AI systems, which negatively affect their competitive position vis-à-vis the US, which still has more relaxed data protection regulation. However, we are starting to see that the European data protection model is being implemented in other jurisdictions. The US has announced the California Consumer Protection Act, which echoes some key provisions from the GDPR, but is still being reviewed by the state of California. Moreover, due to several factors that are discussed in the study and the so-called “Brussel’s effect”, this study finds that it is highly likely that the trend of privacy norms stemming from the GDPR being copied by the US will continue and therefore will ‘level the playing field’ for European and American firms developing AI.Show less
The 16+1 Cooperation is meant to function as a multilateral and economic platform for China and sixteen Central and Eastern European countries. Nevertheless, there has been some issues addressed...Show moreThe 16+1 Cooperation is meant to function as a multilateral and economic platform for China and sixteen Central and Eastern European countries. Nevertheless, there has been some issues addressed towards the format regarding the political agenda of China in the post-communist region of Europe. The perception about the Chinese presence in Central and Eastern Europe differs to the extent of the angle under which the 16+1 Cooperation is perceived. Both the 16+1 Cooperation and the Chinese presence in Central and Eastern Europe, are studied under two predominant paradigms. Equally, these models constitute opposing perceptions surrounding China, in which China is either presented as a threat or as an opportunity. The EU is mostly concerned about the Chinese hidden political goal behind the 16+1 Cooperation. Chinese stance is mostly established on the premise of economic opportunity for the infrastructural development of the region. The two opposing stances are supplemented with the third one, in which the region itself is either positioned under the threat paradigm (the stance of the EU) or opportunity paradigm (the stance of China). There is no clear answer whether Chinese presence constitutes threat or opportunity. Yet the multiple perspective approach is inevitable in constructing the complexity of the world, interpreting the perceptions about China.Show less
The EU is not only pressured to review its CSDP as a result of threats it perceives coming from the South and the East, but also by the USA. In addition, the CSDP has been criticized by scholars...Show moreThe EU is not only pressured to review its CSDP as a result of threats it perceives coming from the South and the East, but also by the USA. In addition, the CSDP has been criticized by scholars for its ineffectiveness for various reasons. This thesis prioritizes the argument that the CSDP lacks effectiveness due to institutional defects. Furthermore, initiatives have been implemented as a result of the EUGS and the IPSD. These institutional constructs may influence the CSDP’s ineffectiveness. Within academic literature, however, research is lacking concerning the impact of the initiatives of the IPSD on the CSDP. Therefore, this thesis aims to answer the question of how the EU has addressed the criticisms concerning the CSDP. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is rational-choice institutionalism, and is conducted on the basis of a triangulated study. First of all, the correspondence between the EUGS and the IPSD has been examined. Thereafter, it has been researched how the IPSD addresses the scholarly criticisms concerning its institutional defects. It is concluded that with the implementation of the IPSD, the EU has not been able to address all the scholarly criticisms. The plan has addressed the criticisms concerning the lack of capacities, and also the ability to ensure compliance in generating resources. Furthermore, the issue concerning the absence of military headquarters has been addressed as well. Finally, it is argued that the initiatives may have created the opportunity to increase the CSDP’s effectiveness indirectly.Show less
In an even more globalised world, the role of international institutions has become both increasingly important and controversial. The rise of global governance also has an impact for governance at...Show moreIn an even more globalised world, the role of international institutions has become both increasingly important and controversial. The rise of global governance also has an impact for governance at the domestic level as many issues are decided, at least partly, at the international level. The question is, then, how great is this influence of international institutions at the domestic level? This thesis will explore this topic by doing a case study analysis that focuses on a specific issue, the Irish abortion law. The case study will focus on three instances in which Irish women sued the Irish state in the international courts for the suffering that the strict abortion law had caused them. The research question that will be used is ‘How did international institutions such as the United Nations and the European Union influence the abortion law in Ireland?’. This thesis’ hypothesis is that the executive power of international institutions at the domestic level is limited. Instead, the influence that international institutions have mainly flows from their ability to set international norms and standards. Through a qualitative document analysis of official court documents, court rulings, reports, and news articles, the impact of international institutions on the Irish abortion has been explored. Previous research on the practical impact of UN treaties and the concept of ‘soft power’ have been used as the foundation for the research. The main research findings are that the international institutions’ impact at the domestic level varies per domestic issue and context. Further, the hypothesis was correct in that the international institution’s involvement in the issue was considered legitimate due to its use of soft power. The final conclusion was that for the Irish abortion law specifically, an interplay of both international and domestic factors were needed for a change to be brought about.Show less
In face of various political and economic challenges, the EU has been making efforts to glue its member states together through the concept of a “European culture.” This research seeks to answer...Show moreIn face of various political and economic challenges, the EU has been making efforts to glue its member states together through the concept of a “European culture.” This research seeks to answer how the position of elderly citizens in the aspiration of fostering “Europeanness” through the The European Year represents the larger problematics of creating a “European” identity? In this way, another aspect of the complicated matter of the creation of “one united European people” is to be provided by including how the attempts of creating unity can be at the expense of excluding certain persons and even whole demographic groups who do not fit into the specific rhetoric of unity. The innovativeness of this research lies in the fact that it will focus on elderly EU citizens. So far, this demographic group has namely been insufficiently recognised in the context of “European” identity creation.Show less
In a time where global threats are increasingly challenging security, the EU has become more concerned and active in cooperating with member states and other international organisations in building...Show moreIn a time where global threats are increasingly challenging security, the EU has become more concerned and active in cooperating with member states and other international organisations in building a more secure and stable environment for its citizens. A series of instruments and missions have been deployed to work on regions that require assistance on strengthening their security systems. The creation of European Neighbourhood Policy aimed achieving a closer cooperation with the EU’s neighbours in the south and east by promoting common values such as democracy, respect for human rights and rule of law. In this way, the EU hoped achieving greater stability in the regions involved. Since Romania became an EU member state in 2007, the EU became more involved in its neighbour country Moldova. Solving the Transnistria conflict issue has become a key priority for the EU. Several policies have been issued to tackle the issue and initiate reform, especially through Partnership and Cooperation Agreement and European Neighbourhood Policy frameworks. However, the enacted policies did not bring a solution to the conflict. This thesis aims to explain why this has been the case. In this way, this thesis aims to contribute to an explanation of third parties intervention in conflict regions in a global perspective.Show less
The UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member...Show moreThe UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member states. This thesis examines Ireland's vulnerabilities with the implications of a possible return of a hard border in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines how Ireland has managed to get the issue of the Irish border as a top priority on the EU agenda in the context of the Brexit negotiations. This is achieved using agenda-setting theory and examining the Irish Government use of framing the border issue to EU counterparts. The thesis finds that the Irish Government was extremely proactive, organized and consistent with discourse which resonated with the values of the EU. This discourse was used at a high politics level by Irish politicians in their engagement with officials of EU intuitions and member states. This persistent engagement and discourse with the EU was instrumental in turning the Irish border into a priority for the EU in the Brexit negotiations.Show less
The European Union (EU) is an incomparable actor in international relations. Due to its unique nature, many academics have attempted to define and establish a typology to describe how the EU acts...Show moreThe European Union (EU) is an incomparable actor in international relations. Due to its unique nature, many academics have attempted to define and establish a typology to describe how the EU acts at the world stage. One of the EU’s stronger tools to influence its surrounding countries is its market. Through the carrot of market access and stick of market exclusion, the EU is able to pursue a foreign affairs agenda. This study focusses on the discourse between the EU and its southern neighbour, Morocco, regarding the inclusion of non-trade issues (NTI) in trade agreements. The analysis traces the development of NTIs, by exploring and comparing their role in the two trade deals that have been concluded in the broader context of EU-Morocco relations. The discourse between EU officials and the Moroccan Kingdom is analysed to identify the frame that was employed vis-à-vis NTIs. The analysis demonstrates that both the EU and Morocco employ NTIs. However, the instrumentalisation of NTIs has also proven to be flexible, as they are employed to achieve divergent objectives. On the one hand, the EU portrays itself as a benign organisation that is willing to assist Morocco in its development. On the other hand, Morocco has demonstrated that it drives a hard bargain, as it employs a more business-like discourse in its relationship with the EU than the EU.Show less
This thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This...Show moreThis thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This Europeanization process has been analysed in three case studies, namely Italy, France and Sweden. In this thesis, it will be demonstrated that Member Stated modified their laws to different extents, with a mixture of substantial, moderate and no modification depending on the specific legislative provision at stake. Also, some measures became more restrictive for third country nationals, whereas others were softened.Show less
This thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure...Show moreThis thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure Artificial Intelligence that benefits society as a whole?” Based on the literature review, this thesis assumed that there seems to be a causal relationship between the technology understanding in governments and the role of governments in developing a national Artificial Intelligence system and strategy. Based on a comparative case study between France and the United Kingdom, this thesis anticipated to adopt the hypothesis. The main result from the case study analysis is that both government’s approach in developing AI seems to have an intensifying effect on technology understanding of a government. Drawing from the analysis, the British government pursues an industry-led approach focused on industrial progress and economic value whereas the French government pursues a predominantly research-led approach that focuses on AI autonomy and transformative capabilities of AI. The main conclusion is that the case study analysis indicated that because of the distant governmental role, the technology understanding of the government appeared inadequate to correspond how a future society with AI will benefit all of society and will not exclude certain social groups. When a government had a more central role in AI, it seems more aware of the necessary conditions in technology design (and further development for applications) that would ensure a future with AI technology that includes the entire society.Show less
Since the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between...Show moreSince the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between the worsening economic situation in European Union member states, and the rise of Euroscepticism in the last decade. The research examines three of the countries that were the most severely damaged by the European debt crisis: Ireland, Portugal, and Greece, and analyzes the trends of Euroscepticism in surveys and election results, comparing these trends to the respective economic situations. The research shows that while the crisis appears to have affected Euroscepticism to an extent, but also suggests that this is primarily a resurgence of latent Euroscepticism, present in Greece.Show less
This thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third...Show moreThis thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third countries’ perspectives on EU’s external border and migration policy is crucial to enhance the understanding of governance realities. The research question is: How did the Moroccan state and civil society react to the increasingly multi-leveled and externalized EU migration governance from 1992 to 2013, in the context of irregular migration by boat? During a field study in Morocco, eleven interviews were conducted with (former) officials, national and international NGO´s. In a chronological analysis, migration and external border policies by the EU, Morocco and Spain are assessed and contrasted with statements from Moroccan stakeholders. Furthermore, this paper examines the agency of Moroccan governance actors in implementation and negotiation processes. The main findings are discussed in relation to the ‘gap hypothesis’, ‘mobility regimes’ and migration as a ‘bargaining chip’ in negotiations.Show less
Honduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras....Show moreHonduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras. The emergence of China, as an alternative trade partner, puts a strain on the responsiveness of Honduras to EU conditionality.Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
