This thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a...Show moreThis thesis analyses the role of directness of EU policy influence on the frame building by Eurosceptical parties in the context of politicisation of European integration. The thesis consists of a structured focused comparison of two cases in which domestic policy contestation took place regarding two European(ised) issues that differed in regards to the directness of EU policy influence present. These cases concern the EU’s ban on pulse fishing and the Dutch nitrogen crisis. In analysing the frame building present in each case an inductive qualitative content analysis is conducted on parliamentary contributions by the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD) and their party manifestos are reviewed. The findings show that although both topics as such have become politicised in the domestic arena the frame building differs per case. When EU policy influence can be considered more direct, frames more directly involve the European dimension and tap more into external EU delegitimising discourses. However, when EU policy influence can be considered more indirect the domestic dimension is addressed more prominently and focus lies more on chastising the government and disputing the issue on party ideological grounds. These findings hint at the potential causal relevance of such a concept of ‘directness of EU policy influence’ that consolidates insights from the literature on Europeanisation and Multi-Level Blame Games. The thesis forwards a conceptualisation of this directness involving (1) the underlying authority structure of the European(ised) policy, (2) the degree of policy misfit it involves, (3) the soft or hard nature of the policy and (4) the visibility of the European dimension in the policy. The insights of the thesis might be of interests to scholars of politicisation of European integration, particularly post-functionalist scholars, as they help illuminate how the politicisation of a European(ised) policy does not necessarily bring about equivalent politicisation of European integration as a whole.Show less
Few policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its...Show moreFew policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its individual policies, as the CFSP is considered to be a salient example of intergovernmentalism’s hold on aspects of EU policy-making. However, there have been some examples of small states influencing EU foreign policy. Malta is a relevant object for this study, as it is undoubtedly a small state. This makes it an interesting case study, as it, nonetheless, has clearly defined interests in the Southern neighbourhood. The Southern neighbourhood aspect of the ENP has itself been an under researched area in recent years, as it is widely considered a failed policy, and the interest of EU-scholars has largely shifted away from the Southern neighbourhood to the Eastern neighbourhood, where the threats to the EU, and its influence on the ‘ring of friends’ it aims to create, seem more pressing. Has Malta, despite its status as a small state, and the current general disinterest in the Southern neighbourhood, managed to capture EU policy-makers’ attention and successfully Europeanised its domestic foreign policy preferences? Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which traces frames and discursive constructions across the domestic level, to the European level, before concluding with a comparative analysis of two EU foreign policy documents, this study demonstrates that Maltese policy preferences were uploaded to the level of EU foreign policy, more specifically, the ENP's Southern Neighbourhood component.Show less
Following the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, the Russian Federation officially recognized the independence of Georgian breakaway territories of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region (also referred to as...Show moreFollowing the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, the Russian Federation officially recognized the independence of Georgian breakaway territories of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region (also referred to as Samachablo or South Ossetia). In December 2009, EU adopted a document on Non-recognition and Engagement Policy (NREP) towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Policy’s non-recognition dimension stands to demonstrate support for Georgia's territorial integrity and sovereignty, whereas engagement envisages de-isolating conflict regions. Since the policy has been deployed for more than a decade a question of why the NREP has proven to be largely ineffective in terms of meeting its objectives occurs. Thus, the work sheds the lights on the actors responsible for NREP deficiencies: the EU, Russia, Georgia, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region. The work identifies specific areas where drawbacks transpired and offers recommendations for better effectiveness of the policy in question.Show less
How can we understand the institutional development of EU cybersecurity cooperation from 2001 to 2018 and what are the consequences of this process? The problem of integration is an old, the domain...Show moreHow can we understand the institutional development of EU cybersecurity cooperation from 2001 to 2018 and what are the consequences of this process? The problem of integration is an old, the domain of cyber is new, controversial and interesting. The issue of cooperation within cyberspace is becoming paramount. This however has influence for the EU-member-state relationship as the classical understanding of sovereignty is eroded by cybersecurity. As cooperation is key to success within cyberspace there must be policy coherence in order to achieve this. The EU has several institutions to achieve this. This thesis will examine in detail the development of one of its cybersecurity institutions; the European Network and Information Security Agency, ENISA. By connecting the theory of institutionalism and using three mechanisms this agency is used as a casestudy to show how and why ENISA has developed from a small and insignificant agency to a big and influential agency within the span of just fourteen years.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
