In this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was...Show moreIn this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was adopted because of social movement activism, or to gain more control over the country’s natural resources, or, alternatively, in order to increase Bolivia’s international reputation. This thesis argues that all three explanations contributed to the adoption of the law.Show less
This thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous...Show moreThis thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous groups in Bolivia ascribe great value to the coca leaf and call it a cultural practice. Thus, a political and cultural dichotomy exists with regard to the signification of the coca leaf. While the academic record has confirmed the existence of different types of discourse, it remains unclear how those have been constructed. Through carrying out a Foucauldian discourse analysis, and with Foucault’s ‘regime of truth’ in mind, this thesis deconstructs the discourse around the coca leaf. It concludes that the prohibitionist discourse is based on racial premises and the metaphor that perceives drugs as a diabolical force. Secondly, the discourses articulated by the MAS-government is based on a cultural argument, on indigenous knowledge and decolonisation.Show less
The thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place....Show moreThe thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place. Therefore, it expounds the country's trajectory towards dependence on the export of primary resources and the deteriorating effects that development models conceived in the global North and applied in the global South, particularly in Bolivia, had. Evo Morales assumed presidency in 2006 with the promise of overcoming the primary-resource-exports dependency and centering development around local needs, stressing indigenous knowledge and a communitarian lifestyle. His proposal is formulated in the so-called Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, which was issued in 2007. In order to overcome extractivism and raw materials exports, however, the Morales administration suggests to utilize the very extractivism to generate the capital needed to industrialize the extractive sectors and to later diversify the economy. However, the industrialization levels have not increased, and neither has the economy shown notable signs of diversification, on the contrary. As extractivism is a self-reinforcing activity, it does not weaken ties of dependency, does not improve the extracting country's position in the world economy or promote autonomy in the global capitalist system. Further on, extractivism under Morales has led to clashes with the population that Evo Morales supposedly caters to in particular - the indigenous and peasant communities. Therefore, extractivism is not suited to drive alternative development because it contradicts too strongly with a goal of development that takes into account local needs. In fact, it reinforces ties of dependency to the capitalist center and neglects the aspect of citizen participation in political processes.Show less
In het eerste hoofdstuk zal een aantal belangrijke concepten uitgelegd worden aan de hand van literatuur van verschillende auteurs. In het theoretisch kader zullen de concepten neopopulisme,...Show moreIn het eerste hoofdstuk zal een aantal belangrijke concepten uitgelegd worden aan de hand van literatuur van verschillende auteurs. In het theoretisch kader zullen de concepten neopopulisme, politiek leiderschap en politieke legitimiteit verduidelijkt worden. In het hierop volgende hoofdstuk wordt er de diepte in gegaan en wordt de historische context belicht. De onderwerpen in hoofdstuk twee zijn achtereenvolgend: de opkomst van het Neopopulisme in Latijns-Amerika en het hierbij aansluitend politiek leiderschap; de constructie van politieke legitimiteit in de Pink Tide; het falen van het neoliberale model en de opkomst van het post-neoliberalisme in Bolivia (1990-2006). In het laatste hoofdstuk worden de ambtstermijnen van Evo Morales zelf onder de loep genomen. De belangrijkste momenten en merkwaardigheden uit zijn ambtsjaren zullen uitgebreid bekeken worden en de redenen om zijn legtimiteit te betwisten worden in het licht gehouden.Show less
The biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American...Show moreThe biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American country because they consider it to be a radical dictatorship, in part because it has been presented in this way by the Spanish media. Podemos knows that any link to Venezuela will immensely damage the image the electorate have of it, thus preventing Podemos from appealing to the majority of Spaniards. It is this paper's objective to investigate and assess the extent to which Podemos and its leaders see the leftist populist regimes in Latin America as an inspiring example. To find out what exactly Podemos likes and dislikes about these Latin American countries, their leaders and the policies that have made them so popular. Is Podemos bringing twenty-first-century socialism to Spain? Does it plan on implementing similar policies? Is it copying the discourses used by Correa, Morales, Chávez and Maduro? What is the connection between Latin America and Podemos?Show less
