This research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics contributed to the growth of the far-right in the case of Denmark. A better understanding of this relationship is relevant because the latter may continue flourishing despite efforts to curb extremist ideologies. Therefore, the purpose is to shed light on potential interplay, unintended consequences and outcomes that may arise from counter-extremism policies. Consequently, these policies can be adjusted more effectively, making a country more secure. Using discourse analysis on various documents and comparing them before and after 2015, the research maps out the situation of the three topics at hand in Denmark. This point in time was chosen because of the Copenhagen Shootings that changed the social and political environment of the country. The research finds that despite awareness of growing Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, there is a permanent focus on Islamic extremism in CVE, which increases the susceptibility of Islamic individuals to extremist ideologies. In turn, this increases Islamophobia, which far-right extremists can use to spread their ideology and expand more easily. The complex interaction is highlighted, and how the phenomena reinforce and affect each other is discussed.Show less
While a link has been established between economic inequality and an increase in support for the far-left or the far-right, both through separate mechanisms, no link has been established between...Show moreWhile a link has been established between economic inequality and an increase in support for the far-left or the far-right, both through separate mechanisms, no link has been established between the speed at which wage stagnation is occurring, and an increase in support for extremist parties. This paper seeks to establish this link, through the effect of wage stagnation on economic inequality, and the effect of economic inequality on either support for the far-left or the far-right.Show less
In this research a frame analysis is used to test the extent of ecofascist idealism is present in the manifestos of Brenton Tarrant and Patrick Crusius. Through a literature review key themes of...Show moreIn this research a frame analysis is used to test the extent of ecofascist idealism is present in the manifestos of Brenton Tarrant and Patrick Crusius. Through a literature review key themes of ecofascism are identified. These are integrated in a theoretical framework on which the analysis is based. Findings from the analysis indicate that Crusius and Tarrant differ to a large extent in their ideals. It is also found that Tarrant holds more extreme racially focused views while Crusius holds more ethnopluralist ecocentric views. Critically Crusius does not show any romanticised idealisations of nature and race, therefore lacking in a key component of ecofascist ideals. With the mass shooting by white nationalist Payton Grendon the importance of research in this area is reasserted.Show less
This study analyzes how Dutch far-right and anti-Covid groups use Telegram. To answer this, a thematic analysis is done on textual posts to discover prominent themes among the discourses of the...Show moreThis study analyzes how Dutch far-right and anti-Covid groups use Telegram. To answer this, a thematic analysis is done on textual posts to discover prominent themes among the discourses of the groups. Eventually, to explore how the groups express themselves online. Moreover, the comparative case study focuses on the relations between the discursive strategies to investigate the overlap between the groups. To do this, the paper uses social mobilization and repression-dissident theories. These explain how the characteristics of online groups translate to discourse as well as the implications of online dissident methods on repression-dissident dynamics. The results show that all groups employ Telegram for the creation of a collective identity, activation and mobilization of rebellion, and the expression of ideology. Collective identity explains the mobilization efforts of the groups and anti-establishment sentiment raises the potential for event coalitions. However, differences between the methods of the far-right and anti-Covid groups can be found in the context in which they use discursive strategies. The former primarily focuses on constructing a homogeneous network of followers, while the latter requires large event-based attraction to achieve its goal. These findings are essential for understanding the state threat perception and the decision-making process of targeted government policies on dissident groups. Ultimately, these findings add to the understanding of the repression-dissident nexus and how dissimilar groups use social media platforms.Show less
Research master thesis | Literary Studies (research) (MA)
open access
In popular culture, the European Middle Ages (ca. 500-1500) are commonly portrayed as a culturally homogenous time period in which the supremacy of the white, heterosexual male is taken for granted...Show moreIn popular culture, the European Middle Ages (ca. 500-1500) are commonly portrayed as a culturally homogenous time period in which the supremacy of the white, heterosexual male is taken for granted. This makes the period attractive to the far-right, whose members view the Middle Ages as an alternative to our modern, multicultural times. In the past, Medieval imagery and rhetoric have consequently been appropriated by groups and individuals ranging from the Ku Klux Klan and the Nazis to Anders Breivik, the Charlottesville protesters and Vladimir Putin. In this thesis, Guus van der Peet examines how the appropriation of history has taken place in the Dutch Language Area. He analyses four case studies: 1) an antisemitic sequel to the Middle Dutch classic Vanden Vos Reinarde; 2) the academic publications of Jan de Vries, a national-socialist professor in Leiden; 3) two Youtube videos from the Flemish far-right student association Schild & Vrienden; 4) two speeches by alt-right politician Thierry Baudet. In the end, Van der Peet concludes that there is a significant difference between the Flemish and Dutch appropriation of the past. Whereas the Flemish far-right repeatedly references the Middle Ages, the Dutch far-right deviates from the international tradition by instead appropriating the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.Show less
This article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential,...Show moreThis article seeks to address increasing concerns about the resurgence of US far-right groups in the wake of the January 6th Insurrection (2021) by studying an unexamined, nascent but influential, far-right group known as the National Justice Party (NJP). Examining the NJP’s discourses provides both a better understanding of new developments within the far-right, as well as knowledge of how best to counter them. By applying the discourse-historical approach, it was found that the NJP’s discourses are partially in established literature as it relates to far-right ideological influences and the structure of its discourses. The NJP is partially outside of it for its novel systemization of what it calls ‘the anti-white system.’ This system causes whites to be systematically disadvantaged by elite Jews for advantage or profit. The anti-semitic scapegoating in addition to other contextual factors, suggest that the NJP is motivated by the increasing economic precarity and racial polarization in the country. This study contributes to the established literature by addressing a modest gap, and offers some policies to neutralize the appeals of the NJP’s discourses.Show less
This paper aims to compare the effects of economic slumps on the electoral gains of European radical far-right populist parties by comparing the impact of the Great Depression on the rise of the...Show moreThis paper aims to compare the effects of economic slumps on the electoral gains of European radical far-right populist parties by comparing the impact of the Great Depression on the rise of the Nazis in Germany and the impact of the Great Recession on the contemporary electoral gains of far-right parties, such as the Front Nacional in France. Parallels are drawn between the xenophobic ideologies of both types of party, the views these parties had regarding the existing European political structures and dynamics, and their shared use of populism as a pragmatic political tool. All in all, it is found that, even though both phenomena share inherent similarities, due to the fact that the Great Recession was not as “bad” as the Great Depression and that contemporary Europeans remain skeptical of far-right parties, the great difference remains the discrepancy in scale between the two series of events, which is reflected in exactly how much ground both types of far-right parties gained during their respective time periods.Show less
