This thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes...Show moreThis thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes research into Kenya’s history as a recipient of foreign aid and an abuser of human rights. By examining the different independent variables which make up the Interest Convergence theory this study has found that the theory almost perfectly describes the mechanisms in which the donor-recipient dynamic between Kenya and donor states, and the enduring domestic condition of impunity and weak governmental legitimacy, led to a worsening of physical integrity rights for a significant segment of Kenya’s population. This adds reinforcement to Regilme’s own case studies of South-East Asia where the theory showed explanatory power. This thesis thus concludes that the processes described by the Interest Convergence theory have strong explanatory capabilities over the process in which physical integrity outcomes resulted from the reception of foreign counterterrorism aid in post-9/11 Kenya.Show less
After the influx of Central American unaccompanied child migrants to the U.S. southern border in 2014, the Northern Triangle governments of, Honduras, and Guatemala, and El Salvador, partnered with...Show moreAfter the influx of Central American unaccompanied child migrants to the U.S. southern border in 2014, the Northern Triangle governments of, Honduras, and Guatemala, and El Salvador, partnered with the Obama administration to implement the Alliance for Prosperity plan, a development initiative introduced by Northern Triangle governments to stem irregular migration through promoting regional economic growth and security. To support the Plan, the U.S. financed $1 billion in foreign aid assistance and programming. In reality, the Alliance for Prosperity plan was a continuation of the same neoliberal economic model in existence between the U.S. and Northern Triangle region for decades, which has been found to secure national security and business interests over that of inclusive growth among Central American societies. Considering President Biden’s $4 billion commitment to build on this model, the case study that follows seeks to explore through qualitative analysis the hypothesis that the previous Alliance for Prosperity plan was used to perpetuate neocolonial mechanisms of economic dependency, resource extraction, and territorial control, to undermine the Plan’s objective to inspire inclusive growth among the Central American people. The findings reveal that the Plan perpetuates neocolonialism by consistently implementing policies that exacerbate local inequalities and neglecting to enforce measures of transparency and accountability. Maintaining the status quo affords the U.S. favorable economic and security interests while at the same time ensuring the dominance of a Central American elitist class. Both partners lack an incentive to change development approaches, serving as an explanation to why foreign aid to address the Central American migrant crisis has undermined its own efforts.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
Mere days after his inauguration, President Donald Trump reinstated the Global Gag Rule (GGR). The GGR – also known as the Mexico City Policy – bans US federal funding for international NGOs...Show moreMere days after his inauguration, President Donald Trump reinstated the Global Gag Rule (GGR). The GGR – also known as the Mexico City Policy – bans US federal funding for international NGOs providing services for abortions. The GGR, originally implemented under the Reagan administration, was maintained under President George H. W. Bush, before being rescinded by President Bill Clinton, reinstated by President George W. Bush, and rescinded once more by President Barrack Obama. However, the embracement of the gag rule under the Trump administration amounted to more than a reinstatement. In contrast to practices maintained during the Reagan and Bush administrations, Trump’s GGR targets not only specific family planning services, but entire organisations that provide such services. Moreover, it applies not only to Federal agencies providing developmental aid, but all “global health assistance furnished by all departments or agencies.” As such, Trump’s variant of the GGR is wider in its scope and has broader implications for the administration of foreign aid and, say critics, for global public health and human rights. This thesis shows how the GGR is used to consolidate political power domestically while also diffusing conservative Christian ideology through developmental aid. In this way, the GGR is shown to be an instance of intermestic policy which is used to simultaneously consolidate political power domestically, while exporting conservative Christian ideology through foreign aid as American empire.Show less
This thesis employs literature on both foreign aid and media analysis to assist in an analysis of the representation of Japanese foreign aid in British media. Eventually, this thesis aims to...Show moreThis thesis employs literature on both foreign aid and media analysis to assist in an analysis of the representation of Japanese foreign aid in British media. Eventually, this thesis aims to conclude whether or not an anti-Japanese bias is seen in British media.Show less
The future of foreign aid will be decided in New York in December 2015 when the post-2015 agenda is agreed. This paper argues that by using the Doha Ministerial Declaration as a basis, the World...Show moreThe future of foreign aid will be decided in New York in December 2015 when the post-2015 agenda is agreed. This paper argues that by using the Doha Ministerial Declaration as a basis, the World Trade Organisation can enhance the current foreign aid system by shaping its future in the post-2015 agenda.Show less
