Generally, many studies have been conducted on megalithic monuments worldwide, and more specifically in certain regions. In Atlantic Europe, there has been much research done on Neolithic megaliths...Show moreGenerally, many studies have been conducted on megalithic monuments worldwide, and more specifically in certain regions. In Atlantic Europe, there has been much research done on Neolithic megaliths; however, much of this has not included cross-study analyses, especially relating to certain types including hunebedden, allée couvertes, and portal tombs. They mainly focus on the immediate region certain tombs dominate. This thesis intends to broaden this scope by investigating both specific and broader similarities and differences between three specific megalith types: hunebedden, allée couvertes, and portal tombs. This is investigated through a literature study review, which includes three case studies: D26-Drouwenerveld (Dutch hunebed), Men-ar-Rompet (French allée couvertes), and Killaclohane I and II (Irish portal tombs). All three monument types have many similarities and differences. Primarily, they are all considered Neolithic funerary monuments, following similar basic constructions, albeit with local variations. Stone types used offer information regarding construction and intentionality, depending on where those stones originated. This adds to the symbolic landscape regardless it’s symbolism before construction. The tombs orientation provides information about construction and ritualistic beliefs considered during construction. Additionally, there is a general lack of settlement around areas with many monuments, although that is likely interpreted as a lack of evidence. Artefacts associated with the specific monuments often indicate the cultures associated with them, offering insights into the tombs, their uses, and other factors including economy, and re-uses of the tombs. Developments often differ throughout Atlantic Europe as seen in Ireland’s island context, versus France or the Netherlands continental context. While Ireland continues to see continental influences in passage tombs, there are also newer forms of tombs, for example, portal tombs (also found in Cornwall and Wales), which have few comparable examples on the continent. Whereas France and the Netherlands share similar developmental trajectories (variations of passage tombs). While this thesis offers insights into these developments, more research could offer further understanding of them in a larger scale, including greater periods of reuse and what that may imply.Show less
The banning of religious dress, such as the burqa, has sparked much debate over the last two decades. While secularism is a concept most countries committed to liberal values engage with, at least...Show moreThe banning of religious dress, such as the burqa, has sparked much debate over the last two decades. While secularism is a concept most countries committed to liberal values engage with, at least on the perspective of religious freedom, only some countries have formally applied it. France has been legally bound to secularism since 1905 and strongly maintains this stance, issuing the broadest restrictions on religiosity in public under its laïcité model. Although secularism has historically been associated with the Christian tradition, having come out of Enlightenment thought, its modern use seems to affect other religious communities to a greater extent, which has come with much criticism from the affected communities. This paper examines how the application of secularism interplays with the theory of religious decolonisation, in the context of a single-case study analysis of France. Through the use of qualitative content analysis the French government’s exposition of their secularism, laïcité, this paper has found a negative or non-consequential interplay between both concepts.Show less
While having been wrongly neglected by scholars, René Magritte's 'La Réproduction Interdite' was painted in an important transitional period in the artist's life. Magritte was on the verge of...Show moreWhile having been wrongly neglected by scholars, René Magritte's 'La Réproduction Interdite' was painted in an important transitional period in the artist's life. Magritte was on the verge of separating from both the French and Belgian surrealist groups and developing his own art theory. This paper focuses on the causes of this transition, as well as identifying its main characteristics in 'La Réproduction Interdite'. These characteristics consist of external factors, which include the influences of the surrealist groups and the work's patron, Edward James, on the painting, in addition to internal influences, which includes Magritte's recently formulated art theory and new ideas.Show less
France and Germany suffered from terrorist attacks and had an increase flow of migrants fleeing from Syria and Iraq in 2015 and 2016 (Helbling & Meierrieks, 2020). This caused many people to...Show moreFrance and Germany suffered from terrorist attacks and had an increase flow of migrants fleeing from Syria and Iraq in 2015 and 2016 (Helbling & Meierrieks, 2020). This caused many people to believe that migrants needed to be blamed for the terrorist attacks happening in both countries. However, many attacks against migrants or their accommodations occurred in Germany and France in 2015 and 2016 that could have provoked migrants to radicalize (Schmid, 2016). Furthermore, not all migrants are potential terrorists, and some want to live a better life in another country (Schmid, 2016). In addition, in both countries there was a rise of right-wing parties that were known for their anti-immigration stance (Jäckle & König, 2018). Therefore, this thesis is going to compare the political situation, the migration flow, the increase of terrorist attacks and the rise of right-wing attacks against migrants to understand if migration led to the rise of terrorist attacks in Germany and France in 2015 and 2016. Furthermore, this thesis will also focus on migrants as victims and not only as potential terrorists. Several databases and academic papers were used to find out if migration caused the increase in terrorism in Germany and France. After doing extensive research, the result was that migration did not lead to the increase in terrorist attacks in Germany and France in 2015 and 2016. However, the right-wing attacks against migrants could provoke them to radicalize and execute terrorist attacks in their host state.Show less
On the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told...Show moreOn the 24th of February,1848, the Belgian ambassador in London informed the English Foreign Minister Palmerston of the Belgian stance regarding the new developments in France. The ambassador told Palmerston that “a republican France was an aggressive and conquering France.” The memories of the French Revolutionary Wars and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in Europe. Had it not been a French Republic that had threatened the European Balance of Power, subduing the existing states and creating puppet states across the continent? A French Republic that had turned on its rightful king and deposed him before trying to subjugate the lawful order in Europe? The same Republic that had turned into an imperial power under the guidance of Napoleon the likes of which had not been seen since the days of Rome? The parallels to the events of 1789 had to have been frightening to the crowned heads of Europe and their governments. On the 24th, Frederick William IV of Prussia informed Victoria of Britain that he looked at France in fear of a new European war. In the newly formed nation of Belgium, the news of the new French Revolution was met with dread in governmental circles. In the Netherlands, the messages from the French capital of Paris were met with anticipation and uneasiness. When Tsar Nicholas heard of the news he reacted calmly, but immediately stated that Russia would march to war if any infractions were made on existing treaties. He also put a million more rubles at the disposal of the war ministry. Additionally, he wrote a letter to Victoria that a Russo-British union as discussed in 1844 may be needed to ensure stability in Europe. The general consensus at the time among the leaders of European nations was that war was inevitable. France was militarily, by virtue of its population, still one of the most powerful nations on the continent and if it would lead to war, it would mean untold destruction in a display that would appear to be a replica of the events that had happened a little over three decades ago. In the Low Countries, the subject of this thesis, the consequences of the Belgian Revolution of 1830 were still felt strongly. The Belgian Revolution had broken out after the July Revolution in Paris, that had seen the Orleanist take-over of France. It seemed likely that this new French Revolution, a Republican Revolution this time, would also move beyond the borders of France into the Low Countries and bring about another time of violence and war in Belgium and the Netherlands. Except history does not move in predictable patterns. Knowledge of the past does not make one a seer and although a war may have seemed inevitable, it was avoided nonetheless. The diplomatic crisis surrounding this new French Revolution however, is often downplayed in historical works, which have mostly focused on the spread of Revolution across the continent when discussing 1848. Yet, revolution and war were intrinsically linked at the time, especially if that revolution occurred in France. A Revolutionary France would mean a threat to European peace and the balance of power, but it was also a beacon for revolutionaries across the continent who felt supported by a Republican France that might come to their aid, militarily if need be. It may ultimately have been the case that no war in Europe erupted in 1848, but this does not mean that war had not loomed large over the governments of the Low Countries and Europe in general. A manifesto by the French Foreign minister of the Provisional Government Lamartine was sent to all the other courts of Europe one week after the initial Revolution in Paris. It had the intent of unlinking war and revolution (in France), because they were so intrinsically linked in the mind of the 19th century governments. The main objective of the manifesto was legitimising the rule of the Provisional Government and to make sure the reactionary powers would not see the new French Republic as an existential threat. The traumas of the French Revolutionary Wars were specifically addressed. If we consider Lamartine’s manifesto and the Belgian ambassador’s words, this parallel of revolution in France and war was very much on the minds of the contemporary players of the international game of diplomacy.Show less
Terrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and...Show moreTerrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and seeks to identify why states with similar characteristics respond differently to a common threat; through a comparative analysis of the cases of France and the United Kingdom. A securitization framework is applied to examine what ultimately leads to the variation of the actions in the two cases. The expectation is that intense securitization leads to a militaristic response, while low securitization levels lead to a criminal justice approach. The empirical analysis lends support to this argument; however, this study finds it possible that other explanatory factors might be interrelated to the proposed mechanism, influencing the result. This thesis, uses a framework of analysis that links the aspects of security and terrorism and endeavors to further contribute to the study of these topics.Show less
Deze scriptie bestudeert het politieke klimaat van Frans-Baskenland tussen 1887 en 1907 aan de hand van de krant genaamd Eskualduna. De krant werd opgericht in 1887 en doet vanuit een katholiek en...Show moreDeze scriptie bestudeert het politieke klimaat van Frans-Baskenland tussen 1887 en 1907 aan de hand van de krant genaamd Eskualduna. De krant werd opgericht in 1887 en doet vanuit een katholiek en conservatief perspectief verslag over zowel de nationale als de lokale politiek. Dit werkstuk onderzoekt hoe de krant zich verhield tot aan de ene kant het Baskische nationalisme, een ideologie die streeft naar een onafhankelijke Baskische staat, en aan de andere kant het Franse regionalisme, een gedachtegoed waarin de Franse regio's worden verheerlijkt, maar binnen een Frans-nationalistisch raamwerk.Show less
This thesis aims to shed light on legal practice of the nineteenth century in France and The Netherlands and contrast it with legal theory and current historiography. In both older and newer French...Show moreThis thesis aims to shed light on legal practice of the nineteenth century in France and The Netherlands and contrast it with legal theory and current historiography. In both older and newer French and Dutch historiography, the nineteenth century is described as the century of legalism, also referred to as exegetical thinking. This exegetical school of law considers the codified law to be the highest and practically the only source of law on which the judge and legal scholar must rely. This historiography is mainly based on the development of legal theory as practised at universities. Implicitly or sometimes even explicitly, legal practice is equated with this legal theory. This fallacy obscures the practice of law, which did not take place in the university or the chambers of scholars, but in the courtroom. To address this lacuna, the following question was answered: To what extent was legalism in the Netherlands and the exegetical school in France really the dominant approach in legal practice and how can possible differences between both countries be explained? In order to know the practice of law and to assess whether judges, like legal theorists, were under the spell of exegetical thinking, judgments of courts were analysed. These can be found in case law journals that emerged in the nineteenth century. This study looked specifically at the judges' references to case law; the work of colleagues. The reference to case law is contrary to the doctrine of the exegetical school which accepts codification as the sole source of law. Referral to sources of law outside the codification by the courts, either implicit or explicit, imply a freer attitude towards the codification than legal scholars of the nineteenth century and current historiography would have us believe. Analysis of approximately two thousand Dutch and French judgments throughout the nineteenth century showed a difference in the quantity and nature of the references between both countries. In France, judges themselves referred explicitly to specific case law or to case law in general, whereas in the Netherlands judges did not refer to case law themselves, but relied on the arguments of the litigants and the Advocate-General, who did explicitly invoke case law. My research gives cause to adjust the image of nineteenth century legal history. The nineteenth-century judge was a child of his time, but not a puppet of legal theory. Lex semper dabit remedium: The law always provides a remedy; this was the starting point, but case law often supplemented it. The demonstrated difference between legal theory and legal practice fits within a broader development in current historiography, emphasising continuity of politics, culture, and in this case legal practices, in the wake of the French Revolution.Show less
The influence of the EU or ‘top-down Europeanization’ on the convergence of Member States has been a popular area of research. This study will take it a step further and address the following...Show moreThe influence of the EU or ‘top-down Europeanization’ on the convergence of Member States has been a popular area of research. This study will take it a step further and address the following research question: ‘What effect has Europeanization posed on the shaping of the Counter-Terrorism strategy of France and the Netherlands?’. This specific research will take a look at which terrorism related events happened in both countries before 9/11, how the process of counter-terrorism strategies developed after 9/11, and how (top-down) Europeanization had influenced the shaping of these counter-terrorism strategies.Show less
This thesis analyses how the French government and American diplomats utilised and subsequently shaped the French-language press due to their influence and propaganda efforts during the American...Show moreThis thesis analyses how the French government and American diplomats utilised and subsequently shaped the French-language press due to their influence and propaganda efforts during the American Revolutionary War. The role of the press in the Ancien Régime can reveal developing political, social, and diplomatic cultures. The rigid censorship policy of the French monarchy places the newspapers in a middle ground between the government and the literate portion of the population. There were competing notions amongst the most popular European publications as to what constituted news and how it should be communicated, thus the coverage of the American Revolutionary War varied across geographical and temporal boundaries. This thesis seeks to assess the social and political upheaval that was the American Revolution in 1775, and its impact on France, through the lens of governmental control of newspapers. France’s role in the American Revolution has been well documented, as the monarchy utilised this opportunity to gain prestige and damage Britain’s standing as a global power. France officially sent military and financial aid to the rebels from 1778, and many French soldiers such as the Marquis de Lafayette became heroes who fought alongside their American counterparts to overthrow the control of King George III in the colonies. However, getting France to agree to this was difficult. It was therefore necessary for the Americans to send diplomats to Versailles to vouch for their cause and elicit support. Thus ensued a major propaganda campaign which would entangle both state and non-state actors, and would have significant implications for the development of press culture in France. France heavily censored newspapers and imposed strict regulations on the influx of foreign information from countries with a freer press environment, such as the Netherlands. In Britain, the licensing act lapsed in 1695, and provincial and national newspapers consequently multiplied in number and prospered. After the British government allowed the publication of parliamentary reports in 1772, French-language newspapers were able to reprint them, leading to increased scrutiny on their response to events in the colonies. This meant that readers of foreign French-language newspapers illegally circulating in France at the time were being exposed to alternative sources of news. The national newspapers largely reflected and upheld elite values that were ingrained into French society at the time, and left little room for debate or opposition. However, this was radically altered by the presence of the American diplomats in Paris. Leading figures, such as Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, were greatly admired by the French public, and they utilised this wave of popularity to bolster their political agenda. This agenda had undoubtedly been influenced by French Enlightenment thought - particularly regarding the individual rights of man, political representation, and freedom of speech and the press. This thesis explores how this philosophical and political transfer influenced the French government’s approach to the medium of the press. It identifies four main newspapers as indicators of how the war was impacting the way in which the government wanted to portray itself on the diplomatic stage. The American Revolution showed the world how it was possible to uproot a system of political injustice and to justify it using fundamental ideas of democracy. The use of the French-language press by the Americans and the French government to further their interests, therefore, exposed a reading audience to political ideas that might have otherwise been suppressed. It is in this context that the newspapers take on significance. The attempted control of the content of these papers through the manipulation of texts, propaganda and the production of war narrative that favoured French and American interests shaped how French readers came to view the conduct of their government in a way not previously seen. Furthermore, the personal relationships formed between government figures, American political leaders and philosophers, and the editors of highly influential and widely-read papers sheds light on the deep entanglement of the press with politics. While the limitations of readership in Ancien Régime France are taken into account, this thesis argues that the French involvement in the American Revolutionary War shaped French government relations with the press, and contributed to a shaping of its diplomatic engagements with America both during and after the war.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
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This master thesis answers the research question “what is the French perception of Poland's strategic potential?”, and it is analysed within the period 2015-2021. This master thesis consists of six...Show moreThis master thesis answers the research question “what is the French perception of Poland's strategic potential?”, and it is analysed within the period 2015-2021. This master thesis consists of six chapters. The first one is introduction, when the next one is literature review. The third chapter is research methodology. Two next chapters are analytical and based on conducted qualitative content analysis. The first of them (chapter four) is about contemporary Polish-French international relations, and the next one (chapter five) about French perception of the strategic potential of Poland. The last chapter includes conclusions. This thesis is part of a broad academic debate about how Western Europe perceives Eastern, based on the example of Polish-French relations. One of the supporting research questions concerns whether this division is still valid in contemporary European relations. The qualitative content analysis carried out indicates that it is not a decisive factor, similar to ideological differences between the governments of Poland and France. In addition, this master thesis emphasizes the importance of perception in international relations, but also indicates its variability, depending on both external and internal conditions.Show less
In 1973, the emergence of all-powerful statesmen in the principal European monarchies was identified by Bérenger as the Euroepan phenomenon of the minister-favourite. In 1999, Elliott and Brockliss...Show moreIn 1973, the emergence of all-powerful statesmen in the principal European monarchies was identified by Bérenger as the Euroepan phenomenon of the minister-favourite. In 1999, Elliott and Brockliss actualized and expanded the understanding of this phenomenon with the help of various scholars and the latest advances in the study of the principal minster-favourites. Taking as a reference the last studies of Orry and Dubois, this paper will analyze their memorials to measure the degree to which the context of the early 18th century promoted the reemergence of the power and state conceptualization held by the original minister-favourites.Show less
Thesis that researches the nineteenth-century cultural memory of the French Enlightenment through artworks that depict Enlightenment scenes and thinkers.
This thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes...Show moreThis thesis assesses and compares neo-colonial mechanisms in Franco-Algerian and European Union-Algerian relations in shale gas exploration and solar power potential. Neo-colonialism supposes traditional colonial activities have not ended after decolonisation but are continued ‘hidden in plain sight’. The criteria to investigate these mechanisms are economic predominance, political influence, and perpetuation of socio-economic disparities by cooperation with an elite in the former colony. The theoretical framework draws from the fields of international relations and anthropology. Energy security being the main priority for Algeria, France, and the EU, it dictates the development of new energy resources, often failing to take into account the effects on inhabitants of the extraction zones thus maintaining neo-colonial mechanisms.Show less
