This thesis investigates the synchronic and diachronic identity of the Anatolian stops, and their implications for Proto-Indo-European phonology and subgrouping. Ever since Sturtevant (1932), it...Show moreThis thesis investigates the synchronic and diachronic identity of the Anatolian stops, and their implications for Proto-Indo-European phonology and subgrouping. Ever since Sturtevant (1932), it has been known that etymologically Hittite cuneiform VC-CV (fortis) spellings go back to PIE *t, and V-CV (lenis) spellings to *d/dh. This has been taken to stand either for a synchronic voicing or length contrast. Through an examination of the origins and use of Hittite cuneiform, combined with phonological evidence, it is concluded that the underlying contrast must be length. A typological survey of geminate evolution and Proto-Anatolian phonology further concludes that this contrast must be original, and cannot emerge from a voicing contrast. Therefore the Nuclear-Proto-Indo-European *t~*d~*dh contrast is an innovation, and a *t:~*t~*? system must be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European. This is evidence of a significant innovation that Proto-Anatolian did not take part in, and thus strong evidence for the Indo-Hittite Hypothesis.Show less
