Een literatuuranalyse over het begrip Genocide en wat hieronder verstaan wordt. Het begrip genocide wordt vervolgens toegepast op casestudie van de Jezidi's
According to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt...Show moreAccording to the Global Terrorism Index, Nigeria’s Boko Haram is one of the worlds most deadly insurgencies. Even though there have been national as well as international efforts to try and halt the sect, with the latest attack on June 16th 2018, they can still be seen as claiming many lives today. Looking at genocide according to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide, it can be argued that Boko Haram is committing a genocide under international law. No definition of genocide is as internationally recognised and legally binding as the United Nations definition in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime Genocide. Despite this, throughout history the United Nations and the international community have been reluctant to name various crimes a genocide, as this would result to the increased legal and moral pressure for the international community to respond. An example is during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Since this genocide, the United Nations has continuously claimed that genocides can never ‘happen again’. However, looking at Nigeria and Boko Haram there has been no claim of a genocide according to the United Nations. If the United Nations would officially recognise Boko Haram as committing a genocide under international law, the international community would legally be pressured to respond to the violence.Show less
If one attempts to understand colonialist thinking, a very fruitful approach can be found in the analysis of “colonial discourse”.2 As colonialism itself is connected to the “mentality” of the...Show moreIf one attempts to understand colonialist thinking, a very fruitful approach can be found in the analysis of “colonial discourse”.2 As colonialism itself is connected to the “mentality” of the colonizer, so must colonial violence be.3 As Kuss has noted, “The conduct by the German military of their colonial wars was affected by […] the domestic national discourse.”4 The genocide against the Herero and Nama of Namibia is certainly one of the darkest chapters of German history. Now, more than 100 years later, it is necessary to ask the right questions in order to avoid further harm and to address Germany’s colonial history and legacy in a meaningful way. In an attempt to do this, the analysis laid out in this paper aims at discussing the question “how were the Herero of Namibia constructed in German colonial discourse, 1900-1918?”, through an analysis of the discourse on the Herero found German colonial literature and anthropology. For this purpose, the works of Foucault, Said, and Kim are used throughout the paper. In the past, there was a long-standing “repression” of Germany’s colonial past and the country has only recently made an attempt at addressing its colonial heritage.5 As Schilling has argued, this development is vitally important since features of past discourses continue to influence the way Germany deals with its Others. An analysis of the colonial-era discourse on the Herero is therefore of practical value in the fight against structural injustices. Using two analytical frameworks, Said’s Orientalism and Kim’s borderlands, the paper supports the thesis that the discourse on the Herero in colonial Germany between 1900 and 1918 frames the Herero as the Orientalized and less-than-human Other.Show less
This thesis posits that the term “genocide” and the ‘Genocide Convention’ have been inconsistently used by the international community since the term entered the international law vocabulary and...Show moreThis thesis posits that the term “genocide” and the ‘Genocide Convention’ have been inconsistently used by the international community since the term entered the international law vocabulary and the convention entered into force. Within this, some mass killings appear to fulfil the convention’s criteria, but they are not defined as genocide by the international criminal justice system i.e. the actor that best placed in this community to authoritatively do so, due to its supposed impartiality. This research aims to answer why this is the case. To do so, it first outlines the history of the term genocide and its (historical) role in international criminal justice. Next, it analyses the Genocide Convention and answers why some mass killings are defined as genocide. It does so via an analysis of the avenues through which international criminal justice has been – and can be – pursued, and their cases. This thesis then engages in most-similar case study analyses of various mass killings in Rwanda (1994) and the former Yugoslavia (1995). Accordingly, it argues that some mass killings are not defined as genocide partly because of: the requirement of domestic and international) political will for trying mass killings as genocide(s) and; political interests. In other words, the international criminal justice system is inconsistent when defining mass killings as genocide because it is susceptible to the political will and interests of myriad stakeholders in the international community.Show less
During the Second World War, around 11 million Slavs have been systematically murdered by Nazi forces in a war of extermination in Eastern Europe. Part of Generalplan Ost, the extermination was...Show moreDuring the Second World War, around 11 million Slavs have been systematically murdered by Nazi forces in a war of extermination in Eastern Europe. Part of Generalplan Ost, the extermination was aimed not just at forcing Slavs into slave labour, but at physically exterminating big parts of the Slavic people. These murders were planned by the Nazi leaders. Although the Second World War and its horrors are a big part of our contemporary society, the genocide on the Slavs has been kept remarkably silent.Show less
This thesis seeks to determine which actor had the greatest amount of responsibility for the emergence of 1965-1966 anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia and to explore why each actor opted for...Show moreThis thesis seeks to determine which actor had the greatest amount of responsibility for the emergence of 1965-1966 anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia and to explore why each actor opted for indiscriminate violence. The piece will discuss the applicability of three explanations for mass violence while using Indonesia as a case study. First theory will analyze economic reasons such as military’s financial incentives for the killings and foreign economic influences that have possibly encouraged mass violence; the second theory will look at the role of citizens and local forces through a bottom-up approach. The third theory will suggest an original explanation by van der Maat who argues that mass violence occurs when a political elite attempts to safeguard its position and seeks to eradicate dangerous intra-elite rivals through genocidal consolidation.Show less
This thesis analyzes the construction of collective memory of the role of women in the Rwandan genocide, as produced by the Rwandan government. The Rwandan government simplifies its constructions...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the construction of collective memory of the role of women in the Rwandan genocide, as produced by the Rwandan government. The Rwandan government simplifies its constructions of memory about the role of women in the genocide, generally remembering all women as victims, even though the reality is far more complex. This thesis examines two case studies of memory as produced by the government: speeches by Rwandan president Paul Kagame, and displays at the Kigali Genocide Memorial center. These will reveal the government’s motivations for their production of simplified memory, as the government can use the simplification of the role of women in the construction of both international and domestic memory, which serves a number of goals.Show less
This piece seeks to test the applicability of a newly developed paradigm of genocidal consolidation in explaining the outbreak of mass indiscriminate violence against civilians in the Darfur region...Show moreThis piece seeks to test the applicability of a newly developed paradigm of genocidal consolidation in explaining the outbreak of mass indiscriminate violence against civilians in the Darfur region of Sudan in the early 2000s. The premise of this theory is that such violence is meted as a premeditated and calculated policy to concurrently resolve an intra-elite crisis. In the case of the Sudan it is the growing rivalry between President Omar al-Bashir and Hasan al-Turabi that is of particular interest in this regard.Show less
Between 1975-9 the Khmer Rouge led a genocidal regime in Cambodia, targeting minorities - including the Cham Muslim population - in particular. Using transcripts from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, this...Show moreBetween 1975-9 the Khmer Rouge led a genocidal regime in Cambodia, targeting minorities - including the Cham Muslim population - in particular. Using transcripts from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, this thesis argues that cultural arguments to explain gender-based violence only hold ground up to a certain point. Beyond this, it is more useful to view gender-based violence as a product of its genocidal conflict. This latter argument is made by comparing the Khmer Rouge period to East Timor and Islamic State.Show less
In the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for...Show moreIn the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for globetrotting travelers, news of the harsh human rights violations in the capital and the border areas mostly goes unnoticed by many. The current humanitarian crisis is the result of a deep-rooted historical and cultural conflict pestering the two island nations ever since the arrival of the European conquistadores. The vast majority of subsequent Dominican and Haitian recorded history has been characterized by foreign domination, political turbulence and chaos-inflicting dictatorships. The native peoples of the Arawak and Taíno tribes were soon decimated by Spanish colonization and its coercive implications. Populated mainly by Spanish and French colonists and later African slaves, colonial era struggles and territory disputes have developed into nearly constant conflict between Dominican and Haitian governments. In recent years, they have culminated in a controversial Dominican Constitutional Court ruling essentially stripping citizenship from all immigrants born to undocumented parents since 1929. As a result, four generations of supposed illegal Haitian and Dominican-born Haitian immigrants are left in a worrisome legal limbo. Apart from transportation to the newly built “Welcome Centers” in the border areas, these stateless people are left in social isolation without any rights and have to fear forcible removals that take place on a constant and ongoing basis (Abiu Lopez n.p.). Amnesty International, the UN Human Rights Council and online petitions call for international intervention in stopping arbitrary deportation and racial profiling (Mathurin n.p.). More specifically, pressure is put on the U.S. government to employ its hegemonic influence to alleviate the tense political and social situation in its Caribbean backyard. Those requesting Washington’s support seem to forget its controversial role in a not so distant past. Mostly through political and economic relations, the White House has employed a vast array of foreign policy measures towards the Dominican Republic and Haiti. One of these was having the back of what may have been one of the most murderous dictators of the Americas. The U.S. both publicly and privately supported the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration until 1961, who developed a nationalist idea of antihaitianismo: a policy of racial discrimination and prosecution towards black inhabitants. Vestiges of this institutionalization of anti-Haitian sentiment still remain in today’s Dominican political culture and greatly backfire on the humanitarian crisis at hand.Show less
Sommige historici betogen dat er in de Bijbel al over genocide gesproken wordt. Anderen beweren juist dat er géén sprake is van genocide in de antieke wereld. Er zijn verschillende casussen waarbij...Show moreSommige historici betogen dat er in de Bijbel al over genocide gesproken wordt. Anderen beweren juist dat er géén sprake is van genocide in de antieke wereld. Er zijn verschillende casussen waarbij grote groepen mensen bewust gedood zijn, maar van genocide kan in de Oudheid niet gesproken worden. Zowel bij de vernietiging van Carthago, het antisemitisme en de christenvervolgingen ontbreekt het in de Oudheid aan een extreem vijandbeeld dat gericht is tegen de fundamenten van een groep. Daarnaast ontbreekt het in de Oudheid aan een gecoördineerd plan om de vernietiging in werk te stellen. In de moderne tijd waren beide elementen wel sterk aanwezig en het verschil kan verklaard worden door bepaalde condities die niet in de Oudheid aanwezig waren. Het ontbreken van het eerste element kan verklaard worden uit de opkomst van de homogene natiestaat en de verschillende biologische rassentheorieën in de 19e eeuw. De biologische redenatie zorgt voor een motief en rechtvaardiging van een nieuw concept, de vernietiging van een groep die de superieure homogeniteit bedreigt. In de Oudheid bestonden er nog geen biologische rassentheorieën en leefde men in rijken waar uniformiteit geen streven was. Het ‘onveranderlijke’ idee van een groep gebaseerd op de fundamentele karaktertrekken bestond nog niet en concluderend heeft een genocidaal vijandbeeld niet tot ontwikkeling kunnen komen in de Oudheid. Het ontbreken van het tweede element kan verklaard worden uit de logistieke efficiëntie die een genocide vereist maar wel in de 19e en 20e eeuw.Show less
Master thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (MSc)
closed access
Deze scriptie gaat in op de problematiek rond brononderzoek in postkoloniale landen. De case die hiervoor gebruikt wordt zijn de gebeurtenissen van 1965 en 1966 in Indonesië. Na een vergelijkend...Show moreDeze scriptie gaat in op de problematiek rond brononderzoek in postkoloniale landen. De case die hiervoor gebruikt wordt zijn de gebeurtenissen van 1965 en 1966 in Indonesië. Na een vergelijkend literatuuronderzoek naar de methodiek van historici die over de gebeurtenissen van 1965 en 1966 hebben geschreven wordt ook gekeken naar hoe men alternatief brononderzoek kan doen naar de gebeurtenissen door postkoloniale geschiedschrijving in andere landen te observeren.Show less
This thesis addresses how the United Nations Secretariat, and mainly the Secretary-General and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), framed and legitimized their actions when they were...Show moreThis thesis addresses how the United Nations Secretariat, and mainly the Secretary-General and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), framed and legitimized their actions when they were confronted with genocide in Rwanda in April 1994. It answers what discourse UN staff use to authorize inaction while working for an organization set up to save the people in the world from the harm that war brings. The purpose is to criticize the representation of the United Nations' identity by its own Secretariat in the face of powerful member states and other external constraints, to expose the discursive framing of the meanings and limits of peacekeeping and subsequently, to show the policies that derived from the discourse UN staff propounded. This is important because, as this thesis argues, the Secretariat’s discourse limits their understanding of peacekeeping and their own role in it, and in turn restricts their available policy options. A lack of independence and unwillingness to confront the status quo caused a discourse that created policy detrimental to the UN’s goals formulated in the Charter. An alternative conception of the role of the UN and its civil servants would have delegitimized their role as bystanders and provided different policy options than the ones set forth during the Rwandan genocide.Show less
NGO´s maken vaak gebruik van andere actoren (bondgenoten) om via een indirecte manier invloed uit te oefenen op staten die normafwijkend gedrag vertonen, omdat hun eigen machtsmiddelen om de staat...Show moreNGO´s maken vaak gebruik van andere actoren (bondgenoten) om via een indirecte manier invloed uit te oefenen op staten die normafwijkend gedrag vertonen, omdat hun eigen machtsmiddelen om de staat direct te beïnvloeden ineffectief zijn. Dit fenomeen wordt het boemerangpatroon genoemd (Keck en Sikkink 1998). De onderzoeksvraag is wat voor soorten tactieken NGO´s gebruiken tegenover potentiele bondgenoten om deze te motiveren hun eigen machtsmiddelen in te zetten tegen de doelstaat. Bestaand onderzoek lijkt te suggereren dat het type actor bepalend is voor de gebruikte tactiek. Aan de hand van data van Human Rights Watch (HRW) over de casus van Soedan in de periode 2003-2013 worden deze vragen onderzocht. In deze periode was er in Soedan sprake van onder andere genocide en etnische zuiveringen. HRW stuurde met betrekking tot deze norm en casus 88 brieven aan diverse internationale actoren die door middel van een kwalitatieve inhoudsanalyse bestudeerd zijn op het gebruik van tactieken door HRW. De belangrijkste tactieken bleken de verspreiding van politiek relevante informatie en het openbaar maken van de inconsistentie tussen eerder gemaakte verplichtingen en daadwerkelijk gedrag. Respectievelijk kan geconcludeerd worden dat wel of niet handelen door de bondgenoot in het eerste geval een functie van informatieschaarste is en in het tweede geval een functie van de consequenties als gevolg van schade aan reputatie en imago. Het type actor bleek in mindere mate van belang voor het gebruik van een bepaalde tactiek. De gebruikte tactiek bleek afhankelijk te zijn van de mate waarin de bondgenoot de norm geaccepteerd had.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Wartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to...Show moreWartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to exterminating the enemy. Wartime rape is a difficult phenomenon to explain, generalize and ultimately stop given the variance of factors and actors involved. When civil war became the primary form of warfare around the world in the 1990s, wartime rape became one the essential components of prosecuting warfare. The aim of this thesis is to explain the high prevalence of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Drawing on contemporary theories used to explain the rationale behind wartime rape (gender inequality, ethnic hatred, genocidal rape and strategic rape), this thesis argues that the subordinate position of women, ethnic cleavage, the occurrence of genocide and forcible recruitment implying hierarchy increase the level of wartime rape. Using a mixed method, the first stage compromises a statistical analysis exposing the general trends, which are surprisingly contrary to expectation. The subsequent case studies – Rwanda and the DRC – argue that the high level of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region is the result of a spill over effect and all its related implications and complications.Show less
