Social media platforms have become critical components of rebel groups’ communication channels. While discussions on rebels’ social media presence usually centre around issues of violence and...Show moreSocial media platforms have become critical components of rebel groups’ communication channels. While discussions on rebels’ social media presence usually centre around issues of violence and disruption, mounting evidence exists pinpointing the non-violent tactics rebel actors employ online. Interested in how social media use contributes to the ability of established rebel groups to project, cultivate, and negotiate favourable online personas internationally, this research project offers an exploratory case study analysis of the 5-day long #AskHamas Twitter campaign that Islamic resistance movement for Palestinian liberation Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah - commonly known as Hamas, conducted in March 2015. A mixed method approach combining social network analysis and empathic close-text reading was employed to reconstruct the international reception of the online event. Framing the Twitter campaign conceptually as an instance of public relations (PR) management, findings substantiate that the #AskHamas Twitter event allowed Hamas to establishing direct, and relevant relations with its targeted Western audience. At the same time, evidence pinpoints the ultimate dependency of online campaigns on the willingness of targeted audience to engage seriously. In case of #AskHamas, meaningful exchange with Hamas was obstructed by deliberate trolling, mocking and ridiculing on parts of participating. Evidence collected in this study implicates the urgency to overcome violence-fixation in Western understandings of rebel actors, and the necessity to contextualise identified rebel online communication practices to their socially mediated context of creation and dissemination.Show less
After examining an extensive collection of primary and secondary Israeli, Palestinian and international sources from organisations and institutions such as Al-Mezan, B’Tselem, the United Nations...Show moreAfter examining an extensive collection of primary and secondary Israeli, Palestinian and international sources from organisations and institutions such as Al-Mezan, B’Tselem, the United Nations and the International Criminal Court, this paper propagates the notion that throughout the Great March of Return, the Israeli military had indiscriminately killed innocent Palestinian men, women, paramedics, journalists and children with intent. Thus, this study argues that the excessive force specifically exerted by the highly-skilled Israeli snipers stationed by the separation fence near Gaza, constitutes as an act of democide.Show less
Hamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian...Show moreHamas has changed considerably over the past 30 years. The movement that arose in 1987 as a military resistance originated as a charity organisation and nowadays participates in Palestinian politics. Hamas entered Palestinian politics in 2005 when the Palestinians conducted the first free elections for the Palestinian National Authority (PA). Few expected Hamas to win the elections and Western diplomats had assessed Hamas as a radical Islamic organisation preferring violence over political participation to pursue its goals. However, Hamas won the elections and ended Fatah’ domination of the PA. After this victory, Hamas underwent a complex process to assert authority and control over the Gaza Strip in 2007. This complex process coincided with the transformation of Hamas from a resistance movement to a political party. This thesis focusses on this transition and aims to generate a better understanding of Hamas’ performance as a political party and what has been called a ‘rebel government’. This study explores whether the movement can function as a partner in dialogue for peace talks in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. To this end, this thesis aims to answer the following research question: To what extent is it possible for Hamas to become a legitimate partner in the dialogue regarding the peace process in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?Show less
In this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on...Show moreIn this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on the two movements' official websites was carried out.Show less
