To answer the question posed by the title of this thesis, which is "In what ways is China's rising influence in the Lebanese economy and society altering the identity formation of the militant...Show moreTo answer the question posed by the title of this thesis, which is "In what ways is China's rising influence in the Lebanese economy and society altering the identity formation of the militant group Hezbollah?," this thesis employs a social-constructivist method. Accordingly, it concentrates on the overlap and interaction between domestic society and foreign policy, which is defined in the overall aims of this seminar. In recent years, China has established commercial links with a number of the nations in the region, and the One Belt, One Road program is intended to foster further collaboration in the future(Gresh, 2016). OBOR is focused on securing a stable energy supply for China's rapid economic development and comprises a wide range of investment projects that might be advantageous to the region (Horesh, 2016). China participates in the politics of neighboring countries on a very seldom basis and has no intention of unseating the United States. Despite the fact that the emergence of an increasing Chinese influence is easily recognised, the implications of this influence on identity and culture are rarely mentioned in constructivist literature on the Middle East and Lebanon. That is because the body of constructivist analytic literature is still relatively limited when compared to the neoliberal approach, which is the predominant school of thought in the field of international relations. It was discovered that this is the case in each and every one of the domains that were examined, including constructivism and IR theory, constructivism in the Middle East, and China and the Middle East. Constructivist research in the subject of International Relations theories has garnered the attention of an ever-expanding corpus of published work since the 1990s. This thesis will build on the work accomplished by Raymond Hinnebusch, David Campbell, and Alexander Wendt adopting constructivism as perspective, and therefore will primarily involve Joseph Alagha and Pol Bassedas in the research on the identity formation of Hezbollah. There is still a great deal of ambiguity regarding the connection between international politics and the role that the influence of China plays in the process of identity creation inside Hezbollah. With the use of Hezbollah as a case study, the purpose of this study will be to make a contribution to the existing body of knowledge in an effort to address a knowledge gap relating to expanding Chinese participation and identity creation in the Middle East.Show less
In the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since...Show moreIn the international system, ISIS and Hezbollah are non-state actors involved in the power struggle characterizing the Middle East, and they found themselves opposed in the Syrian Civil War since 2011. Although they are different by virtue of their confessional identity, they share multiple similarities. Both are the product of the international intervention in Iraq/Syria and Lebanon; both share, until recently, a powerful military apparatus as well as a functional organizational system; both are recognised as terrorist or criminal organization by part of the international community. They share another characteristic too: the pursuit of the Islamic State, a utopia rooted in the teachings of the Qu’ran and Mohammad that calls for the demise of the Western-type of state in the Middle East. Nevertheless, their ideals of Islamic State are essentially different, and different are their historical and political contexts as well as their ideological motivations. One group has declared the Islamic State whereas the other has not. This work aims to unravel under what conditions non-state armed groups claim territorial sovereignty. Consequently, ISIS and Hezbollah are two cases subjected to deep analysis. Building on the concept of rebel governance, I argue that rebel’s strategies are affected respectively by the place and time-frame but mostly by the group’s relationship with the population, other armed groups, and the international community. Notwithstanding, ideology is still the building block of the rebel’s approach. I sustain that historical and political developments have structured the actors’ ideologies which in turn have affected their approaches and consequently the self-determination claim. The difference in the outputs then lies in the ideological and socio-political divide between ISIS and Hezbollah. The contrasting developments of these groups, which replied differently to national and international menaces, and their different regional priorities, as well as their distant ideas of Islamic State, allow us to understand what led to the creation of the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” and the “Party of God”. Inter alia, how the refusal of any compromise and the creation of a new Sunni identity rejecting the nation-state favoured the self-determination, whereas the entry into politics to gain resilience from a plethora of confessional realities has suggested the suspension of the Islamic State.Show less
The enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of...Show moreThe enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of the revolutionary nature and ideology of the opposition movements became an issue when the anti-government demonstrations began in Syria and the organization suddenly contradicted its previous posture by backing the regime.The Janus-faced behavior of the organization had an immediate negative impact on the image that Hezbollah had been building through a pragmatic and selective legitimation process. In this scenario, how does Hezbollah react to the challenges to the legitimacy of its organization?. In light of the aforementioned, this thesis will aim to analyze and identify the way in which Hezbollah justify the intervention in Syria to their support groups at the local, national and international level. This research focuses on Hezbollah’s creation of 4 meaning in the ideological discourse in order to justify their actions and preserve their legitimacy at three different levels of target audiences (communal, national, international) by developing diverse context models (van Dijk, 2006, 21) according to each audience’s particular interests.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed...Show moreThe thesis is based within the theories of constructivism and looks for the connection between the identity construction and the foreign policy decision-making process. The research question posed is: why is Hezbollah stepping in the Syrian civil war? What is the relation between this decision and the group’s identity that has been continuously constructed and re-constructed in the past 30 years? Moreover, is the relationship between the decision to go to war and Hezbollah identity construction linear? Can the conflict in Syria affect, or even re-shape the construction of Hezbollah’s identity? How does this comply (or disconnect) with Hezbollah’s own ideas about self and role in the serves in the region? The paper analyses the relation between the identity construction and the decision to go to the Syrian war, and based on this example draws a conclusion that the relationship between the two is rather reciprocal than linear.Show less
The Lebanese political system is configured in a way to most accurately represent the country’s extensive religious plurality. Hence, the allocation of political representation is dependent on the...Show moreThe Lebanese political system is configured in a way to most accurately represent the country’s extensive religious plurality. Hence, the allocation of political representation is dependent on the demographical size of the individual religious groups. This political accommodation is termed confessionalism, thus, Lebanon is characterized as a confessional democracy. This paper aims towards the analysis of political parties functioning within this system. Hereby, the focus is set upon the question, whether parties act solely in the interest of their religiously affiliated constituency, or whether they attempt to reach out and mobilize popular support across sectarian borders. Exemplified by the case study of Hezbollah, the largest Shi’ite political party in Lebanon, differing strategies for cross-sectarian support mobilization will be displayed, such as the provision of social services, the use of inclusive rhetoric and certain means of mediatizing occurrences to shape a specific, favorable, narrative. Furthermore, Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary General of Hezbollah, is of importance, since his advocating for the so-called “Lebanonization” of the party, alongside the opening up to the political domain, termed Infitah allowed Hezbollah to progress from a militant group, to a dominant political party in Lebanon. Moreover, the strong interdependence between Hezbollah and both the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as neighboring Syria is discussed, since these relationships direct both the agenda of Hezbollah, alongside the entire Lebanese socio-political domain.Show less
The United States, commonly recognised as the world leader in the self-defined 'war on terror', publishes a 'Foreign Terrorist Organizations'list annually. This list, together with classifications...Show moreThe United States, commonly recognised as the world leader in the self-defined 'war on terror', publishes a 'Foreign Terrorist Organizations'list annually. This list, together with classifications from various other nations and institutions provide an understanding for the international community regarding the status of terrorist organisations worldwide. From 1997, the United States has categorised Hezbollah as a terrorist organisation following the 1983 bombing on an American marine barracks in Lebanon. This thesis provides an analysis of the perceived transition of Hezbollah from a terrorist organisation to a functioning and legitimate political party in order to debate the impact of international terror classifications and the need for more greatly recognised definitions for the term 'terrorist'.Show less
Women have generally been subjugated to supportive roles in patriarchal Islamic groups, however the last number of years has seen a rise in their mobilization in violent extremist roles within...Show moreWomen have generally been subjugated to supportive roles in patriarchal Islamic groups, however the last number of years has seen a rise in their mobilization in violent extremist roles within those organisations. This trend is unusual considering that the tradition, culture and religion of these groups have traditionally served to limit women's engagement to auxiliary positions. While mobilising women in such positions benefits these groups in numerous ways, it also comes with a number of costs that need to be considered by such groups and that have generally prevented women's entry into such positions in the past. This paper seeks to understand what has motivated this shift in tactics, by use of a benefit-cost analysis, as well as examining current theories and conducting three case studies. The findings suggest that group duress is the strongest factor influencing an organisation's decision to engage women in violent acts of terror.Show less
Het is geen recent fenomeen dat Iran beschuldigd wordt als zijnde de grootste sponsor van wereldwijd terrorisme. Met name haar steun aan de Libanese organisatie Hezbollah ligt vaak onder vuur. De...Show moreHet is geen recent fenomeen dat Iran beschuldigd wordt als zijnde de grootste sponsor van wereldwijd terrorisme. Met name haar steun aan de Libanese organisatie Hezbollah ligt vaak onder vuur. De doelen van Iran en Hezbollah vallen op een cruciaal punt samen: het verzet tegen Israël. Ondanks dat Iran zich meerdere malen publiekelijk uitsprak tegen het bestaan van Israël, kwam het echter nooit tot een militair conflict. Maar kunnen we stellen dat Iran, door Hezbollah te steunen, wel degelijk in oorlog is met Israël en er sprake is van een zogeheten proxy-oorlog tussen de twee landen?Show less
This thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a armed and political wing, as is the case for Hezbollah. This poses legal issues for UNIFIL as well as challenges the practicing of its mandate. It does not matter how robust UNIFIL had become since its establishment in 1978, it experienced difficulty in controlling the armed wing of Hezbollah (or any other group) in Lebanon. I will argue that working together as a peacekeeping mission with a violent non-state actor is only possible if and when an armed non-state actor disarms itself, and involves itself in the political process as a legitimate political party.Show less
In this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on...Show moreIn this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on the two movements' official websites was carried out.Show less
Hizballah is a Lebanon-based terrorist organisation that has been establishing ties with Latin America in the form of activities that generate funds for the organisation. This thesis argues that...Show moreHizballah is a Lebanon-based terrorist organisation that has been establishing ties with Latin America in the form of activities that generate funds for the organisation. This thesis argues that these financial activities are part of the transnational world as being finanscapes, and that, according to the natural systems model proposed in terrorism studies, they have contributed to the success of the terrorist organisation.Show less
