The Ukrainian famine or ‘Holodomor’ of 1932–1933 claimed the lives of an estimated 4 to 4.5 million people. General consensus has it that the famines that swept the Soviet Union were caused largely...Show moreThe Ukrainian famine or ‘Holodomor’ of 1932–1933 claimed the lives of an estimated 4 to 4.5 million people. General consensus has it that the famines that swept the Soviet Union were caused largely by the collectivisation drive of the First Five-Year Plan, after which the situation in Ukraine was exacerbated by Stalin’s policies in the winter of 1932–1933. However, the underlying motives for Stalin’s actions with regard to Ukraine remain a matter of lively debate. Combining the existing literature on the initiation of mass indiscriminate violence in general and on the causes of the Holodomor in particular with novel insights from studies on authoritarian politics, I posit that the Ukrainian famine may have been intentionally aggravated because the Ukrainian leadership was considered a liability to Stalin’s rule. Rather than facing these elites head on, I suggest that Stalin weaponised the famine as a means of mass indiscriminate violence to enable the capture of local institutions and to undermine the individual support bases of his potential rivals. In this way the Ukrainian Communist Party was purged from the bottom to the top, culminating with the executions of Stanislav Kosior and Vlas Chubar and the expulsion of Grigory Petrovsky, as well as the executions of Pavel Postyshev and Vsevolod Balytsky during the Great Purges of 1937–1939.Show less
In 1932-1933 famine swept across the Ukrainian countryside killing an estimated 5 million people. The famine was a culmination of different factors, but most notably it was the result of deliberate...Show moreIn 1932-1933 famine swept across the Ukrainian countryside killing an estimated 5 million people. The famine was a culmination of different factors, but most notably it was the result of deliberate policies of the Soviet government. In the summer of 1933 a young Welsh journalist named Gareth Jones illegally toured the Ukrainian countryside, witnessing the dead and the dying, walking through the silent and abandoned villages and speaking with the starving peasants. Upon his return to the United Kingdom Jones attempted to expose the famine in order to aid the starving Ukrainian population. However, his message had little impact. It was snowed under by positive reports coming from Western correspondents stationed in Moscow. The news of the famine failed to gain traction amongst the public, and before long people forgot that it ever happened. This thesis seeks to investigate why Jones’ articles exposing the Ukrainian famine in 1933 had so little impact amongst the British and American public. There was no public outrage, no large-scale famine relief actions, and not a sound from the British and American governments on the matter could be heard. The silence surrounding the famine was deafening, and the voice that was trying to attract attention to it was ignored. Why were people so willing to look away? Can this silence be attributed to a feat of Soviet Propaganda? Were the reports coming from Moscow simply more credible than the reporting of twenty-seven years old Jones?Show less
This paper is on one of the seminal events in Ukrainian history, the Holodomor. The paper seeks to apply the theory of genocidal consolidation to the Holodomor to determine the answer to “why”...Show moreThis paper is on one of the seminal events in Ukrainian history, the Holodomor. The paper seeks to apply the theory of genocidal consolidation to the Holodomor to determine the answer to “why” Stalin executed a genocide against the Ukrainian nation. More specifically, the paper seeks to link the mass killings in Ukraine to Stalin and Stalin’s personal position within the Soviet Union. In seeking the answer previously mentioned, the paper relies on the method of process tracing. The underlying hypothesis of the paper is that the theory of genocidal consolidation best explains the Holodomor and links Stalin to it, using the methodology previously described. By using and exploring genocidal consolidation vis a vie the Holodomor the paper also seeks to further bolster the connection between mass political violence and authoritarian politics. Additionally, the paper sought to expand on genocidal consolidation and add to the already existing research and theoretical applications by attempting to explore the Holodomor through genocidal consolidation. Lastly, it should be stated that the often ambitious aims of this paper allow for further exploration on the topic and potential missed linkages between the Holodomor and Stalin.Show less
Making sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly...Show moreMaking sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly complicated. Known to have been an artificial famine that plagued mainly the southeast of Soviet Socialist Republic of Ukraine in 1932-1933, Holodomor had emerged at the centre of public debates when the State of Ukraine recognized it as the Ukrainian genocide in 2006. This thesis examines why the understanding of Holodomor transformed into a genocide under President Yushschenko. The famine has always been a controversial issue: it was silenced under the Soviet Union, in the post-Soviet Ukraine it was not much spoken of either. The Ukrainian diaspora, however, deemed it a genocide all along, and awaited its moment to import this matter back into Ukraine. This moment evidently arrived with Yushchenko’s victory in the Orange Revolution. In the following I am trying to understand how the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide manifested itself in Ukraine, and what it meant for the Ukrainian identity. I have approached the issue from three different perspectives: its significance in the reading of first hand accounts of the famine; its popularity with historians and historical narratives; and its role in the political life of Ukraine and nation building. Hereby I have analyzed diaries, historical works, presidential decrees, various secondary literature, many more. Evidently it has become my conclusion that the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide brought little historical significance in the way it was deployed by Ukrainian scholars and members of the diaspora. Instead its “added value” lay with the political claims to a distinct Ukrainian national identity, which had nevertheless failed to prove useful to the Ukrainian public.Show less
