This thesis examines the last circa twenty years of Venezuelan politics and economics with a focus on populism. It seeks to understand the central cause of the current economic, social and...Show moreThis thesis examines the last circa twenty years of Venezuelan politics and economics with a focus on populism. It seeks to understand the central cause of the current economic, social and political crises. The paper poses the hypothesis that populism answers questions in this debate alternative explanations cannot. It argues that populism has been the underlying tool that legitimized and consolidated the government’s political and economic actions even in the light of overspending, mismanagements and anti-democratic adjustments. However, the paper acknowledges that there can be sound alternative explanations as well if one only considers central planning without incorporating populism. The thesis concludes that the current crisis is an ideology-made one.Show less
Venezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in...Show moreVenezuela has one of the largest oil resource in the world and the oil sector is one of the most prone sectors to corruption. As the Corruption Perception Index shows is the level of corruption in Venezuela also one of the highest of Latin America. In this thesis the level of influence of corruption on the resource curse will be assessed, specifically looking at the case study of Venezuela during the Bolivarian Revolution of Hugo Chávez. First, a theoretical framework is created in order to understand the relation between corruption and the resource curse. Second, a contextualization is provided through analyzing the Punto Fijo Pact which preceded the Hugo Chávez government. In this chapter increasing dissatisfaction of the Venezuelan population is shown, which together with the Caracazo massacre, created a platform for Hugo Chávez to gain power and popularity. In the third chapter, the theoretical framework will be applied to Chávez’s Venezuela and its consequences. Whereas the theoretical framework suggests that the resource curse is strengthened by corruption and thus will prevent a country with an abundant resource from developing, the case of Venezuela appears to be have proved the contrary. After analyzing the resource curse in Venezuela it shows that even though an abundant resource is present and corruption is still increasing, the oil revenues have allowed Hugo Chávez to fund several new socioeconomic programs which largely have benefitted the Venezuelan development.Show less
This thesis seeks to analyse a very relevant and important topic in current Latin America, namely that of the use of rhetoric and external crises as a distracting strategy in order to redirect...Show moreThis thesis seeks to analyse a very relevant and important topic in current Latin America, namely that of the use of rhetoric and external crises as a distracting strategy in order to redirect attention from internal problems. This strategy, mostly used through rhetoric, is a common feature between the two dominating political streams in the region; a rightist or neoliberal-oriented one and the leftist, or the so-called Pink Tide current. The empirical study analyses the relation between the Colombian government under Álvaro Uribe’s presidency and the Venezuela government under Hugo Chávez’ presidency, in combination with press coverage over internal problems.Show less
The biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American...Show moreThe biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American country because they consider it to be a radical dictatorship, in part because it has been presented in this way by the Spanish media. Podemos knows that any link to Venezuela will immensely damage the image the electorate have of it, thus preventing Podemos from appealing to the majority of Spaniards. It is this paper's objective to investigate and assess the extent to which Podemos and its leaders see the leftist populist regimes in Latin America as an inspiring example. To find out what exactly Podemos likes and dislikes about these Latin American countries, their leaders and the policies that have made them so popular. Is Podemos bringing twenty-first-century socialism to Spain? Does it plan on implementing similar policies? Is it copying the discourses used by Correa, Morales, Chávez and Maduro? What is the connection between Latin America and Podemos?Show less
