This thesis researches the actions and motivations of the School of the Americas Watch (SOAW), a human rights organization that protests the existence of the U.S. Army institution the School of the...Show moreThis thesis researches the actions and motivations of the School of the Americas Watch (SOAW), a human rights organization that protests the existence of the U.S. Army institution the School of the Americas (SOA), from 1990 until 2001 in the context of human rights scholarship on the 1970s and the 1980s. The SOAW believed the U.S. was directly culpable in the human rights violations committed by graduates of the SOA. The SOAW’s definition of human rights was that of bodily integrity. The SOAW was successful in lobbying Congress to such an extent that the SOA closed in December 2000, however a replacement institute opened just a month later.Show less
This thesis explores the Dutch response to the human rights violations committed against the Uyghur people by the People’s Republic of China. By comparing the PRC’s human rights violations to those...Show moreThis thesis explores the Dutch response to the human rights violations committed against the Uyghur people by the People’s Republic of China. By comparing the PRC’s human rights violations to those committed by Myanmar and Venezuela, it contextualizes the response of the Dutch government. This research observes that the while the PRC has committed all major offenses of which Myanmar and Venezuela have been accused, and for which sanctions have been imposed upon the two states, the Dutch government appears unwilling to impose similar restrictions upon China. Though the assessment of government discourse and the incorporation of threat perception theory as a possible principle for explaining this inconsistency, the paper finds that China’s status as a great power, primarily its economic might, has kept the Dutch government from risking the ire of the PRC as long as it is not guaranteed to have the support of its allies in the European Union.Show less
The reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is...Show moreThe reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is worthy of interest and analysis for its implications on History and International Relations. This work aims to decentralize International Relations and make it less Eurocentric. To do so, the author reassessed the role of Latin American thinkers and diplomats in Human Rights theorization in the 1940s, to show that crucial theoretical developments were made outside the Global North. In detail, this thesis argues that the region has actively participated in the construction of the language of human rights instead of simply receiving ideas and concepts from the Global North. It focuses on the Larreta Doctrine, a doctrine developed in Uruguay that tackled multilateralism, sovereignty and the violation of human rights. Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta, then Uruguayan Foreign Minister, theorized this Doctrine in 1945, in response to the dualism between sovereignty and international Rights protection hardly felt in the Latin American Region. So, Larreta thought that the idea that non-intervention in states’ domestic affairs is conditional to the respect for citizens’ fundamental rights. Moreover, the Uruguayan Foreign Minister stated that a precommitment regime and collective intervention are not a violation of sovereignty.Show less
The European Convention on Human Rights stipulates the death penalty as an exception to the right to life. However, the punishment has been abolished completely in Europe through its subsequent...Show moreThe European Convention on Human Rights stipulates the death penalty as an exception to the right to life. However, the punishment has been abolished completely in Europe through its subsequent Protocols and jurisprudential development of the European Court of Human Rights. As such, Europe (the Council of Europe and the European Union) insists that the death penalty should be abolished in Japan, while Japan continues to administer the form of punishment. One of Europe’s central arguments is that: (i) Japan has become party to international agreements that include the right to life; (ii) the death penalty violates the right to life; (iii) therefore, Japan should abolish the death penalty. In so arguing, Europe promotes the norm of abolishing the punishment as universal, while Japan does not accept such a claim. Against this backdrop, the thesis is guided by the following question: how do the conceptions of the right to life differ between Europe and Japan? It attempts to answer the question through undertaking a cross-cultural examination of the conceptions of the right to life within Europe and Japan. It does so through close-reading legal instruments and case law, taking into account the views of contemporary authors. In light of European and Japanese behaviours toward the two principal issues of the right to life, namely the death penalty and euthanasia, the study concludes by maintaining that, when concerning the conceptions of the right to life: (1) alienability of life (to take one’s life) is more generally accepted in Japan than in Europe; and (2) in Japan, public sentiments continue to play a significant role, whereas in Europe they do not. While the thesis does not claim for or against the death penalty, these differences suggest that specific understanding of each right within particular social orders should not be neglected in international communications.Show less
After the devastating terrorist attack on September 11th 2001, the United States changed the types of counter-terrorism polices used against the threat of international terrorism. While the George...Show moreAfter the devastating terrorist attack on September 11th 2001, the United States changed the types of counter-terrorism polices used against the threat of international terrorism. While the George W. Bush administration has been greatly studied by various scholars and journalists there is little research that combines the ideology of norm decay to President George W. Bush and human rights. Specifically, in regards to the physical and mental human rights violations that occurred during the War on Terror. An in-depth analysis through the use of a theoretical framework that consist of three benchmarks will be applied to two sperate case studies; focusing on the policy tool of extraordinary rendition and the prisoner abuse in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. By analyzing the potential pattern that emerges from the case study analysis it will allow us to determine whether there is a decay in human rights norms. The two aforementioned case studies will be evaluated against three criteria and the outcome of this will determine if there is a consistent pattern of decay. The first criteria, analyzes the number of cases of human rights violations and how these have changed during the George W. Bush administration. The second, analyzes the changes in procedures and polices enabling prisoner abuse and human rights decay. The third, analyzes accountability focusing on how the George W. Bush administration interfered in legal proceedings enabling more abuse. Conceptualizing how a norm, regarding physical and mental human rights could decay. In this context, this thesis examines how the terrorist attacks on the domestic United States resulted in a change in counter-terrorism policies, and how those changes influenced human rights as a social norm leading to a decay.Show less
The thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and...Show moreThe thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and described the theoretical foundations to better comprehend the answer to the research question posed. In the analysis, the different rationales for each side to the conflict to explain their use and recruitment of child soldiers were examined. Finally, the thesis argued that among the several factors that seem to be valid in explaining the phenomenon of child soldiering in Somalia, only two are found to be true for both the extremist organization al-Shabaab and the government, with their allied forces. First, children may voluntarily join the army because they lack alternatives outside of the armed groups. In fact, they cannot receive a proper education and they suffer extreme poverty, water scarcity, malnutrition and devastation. Second, Somali children were born in a constant climate of violence and insecurity that has ‘normalized’ the concept of fighting, leading them to take up arms in a desperate attempt to put an end to a war they do not understand, but that has been lacerating their country for too long.Show less
This thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019...Show moreThis thesis uses Hermann’s (1990) model of foreign policy change to analyse the research question: Why was the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act only adopted into public law in November 2019, despite its introduction into US legislation years earlier in 2014? Through tracking the progress of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act (HKHRDA) from its introduction in 2014 to its final signing into law in 2019, it has shown that bureaucratic advocacy and external shocks were the primary change agents driving the foreign policy change. Previous versions of the bill failed to pass the final stages of the decision-making process. However, in 2019, changes in the international context were crucial to the passing of the bill. That year, the external shock of the Hong Kong protests escalated to such an extent that Congressional legislators felt compelled to unite and take action. Rising geopolitical tensions between China and the United States also affected domestic American politics, contributing to the growing bipartisan Congressional support for a stronger stance against China on the issue of Hong Kong and pass the HKHRDA into law, despite resistance from the Trump administration. The symbolic value of the law was greater than its actual changes to US legislation, as it did not grant the government new instruments of statecraft it did not already possess. Still, the law was a clear show of Congressional support for the pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong, and a political statement against the central Chinese and Hong Kong government’s policies in the city. This was instrumental in pushing the administration to change its approach towards HK, and with the HKHRDA, US HK policy became submerged in its American foreign policy towards China.Show less
