This thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes...Show moreThis thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes research into Kenya’s history as a recipient of foreign aid and an abuser of human rights. By examining the different independent variables which make up the Interest Convergence theory this study has found that the theory almost perfectly describes the mechanisms in which the donor-recipient dynamic between Kenya and donor states, and the enduring domestic condition of impunity and weak governmental legitimacy, led to a worsening of physical integrity rights for a significant segment of Kenya’s population. This adds reinforcement to Regilme’s own case studies of South-East Asia where the theory showed explanatory power. This thesis thus concludes that the processes described by the Interest Convergence theory have strong explanatory capabilities over the process in which physical integrity outcomes resulted from the reception of foreign counterterrorism aid in post-9/11 Kenya.Show less
This thesis explored the Afropessimism framework for examining the dynamics of race and racial inequality in the United States and Brazilian contexts and its potential for advancing racial justice...Show moreThis thesis explored the Afropessimism framework for examining the dynamics of race and racial inequality in the United States and Brazilian contexts and its potential for advancing racial justice efforts. It examined and answered the following questions: How does the critical perspective of Afropessimism impact the experiences and identities of individuals of African descent in the Americas, specifically in the U.S. and Brazil? How does Afropessimism critique the effectiveness of the human rights framework in securing racial justice for individuals within the African diaspora? To examine the translatability of Afropessimism to a different cultural context other than that of the U.S., I researched whether this theoretical framework could also accurately explain the historical and contemporary experiences of Black individuals in Brazil. These questions aimed to evaluate the extent to which Afropessimism, departing from other racial theories, such as intersectionality, questions the efficacy of the human rights framework in transforming society and its social institutions, as a means of irrevocably achieving racial justice.Show less
The growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance...Show moreThe growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance and state development. This study seeks to answer whether or not the People’s Republic of China is actively developing its own framework for global governance, state development and human rights. Furthermore, it will aim to answer whether the actions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) developed in the 21st century towards achieving that end? This analysis will focus on the development of three variables that promote China’s ability in undermining human rights governance and democratic promotion, with a focus on the CCP’s machinations within the United Nations (UN), in order to provide an insight into whether China’s actions represent an intent on establishing a new world order in the 21st century.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Liberal Arts and Sciences: Global Challenges (LUC) (BA/BSc)
closed access
On 16 November 2012, the United States passed the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012, followed by the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in 2016. This act allows...Show moreOn 16 November 2012, the United States passed the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012, followed by the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in 2016. This act allows the US to employ targeted sanctions against individuals and entities responsible for human rights abuses and corruption. The European Union created a similar regime, the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, in 2020, which also targets individuals and entities responsible for human rights abuses but does not target those accused of corruption. While targeted sanctions avoid collateral damage to entire countries, they often lack safeguards for the listed individuals. This study is a comparative, doctrinal analysis that looks at the effectiveness of the due process mechanisms in the US Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime. Both of the sanction regimes have several due process mechanisms in place which protect the rights of individuals yet in some areas, such as specific delisting criteria, they are lacking. In general, the EU regime has more effective due process mechanisms than the US act, though even the EU regime is still not perfect.Show less
The Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from...Show moreThe Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from 2010 until 2019. The Theory of compliance serves as a means to explore possible explanations regarding the reason and extend to which Yemen and Syria representatives respectively, use the language of Human Rights during civil wars.Show less
This thesis aims to answer the research question: what influences countries in their response to the alleged human rights abuse of the Uyghur ethnic minority in China? In order to answer this, the...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the research question: what influences countries in their response to the alleged human rights abuse of the Uyghur ethnic minority in China? In order to answer this, the concept of human rights in international relations, as well as the three main theories of international relations are projected on two case studies of international reactions to China’s alleged human rights abuse of the Uyghur ethnic minority in the Xinjiang autonomous region: Turkey and the European Union.Show less
The present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group...Show moreThe present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group that has been specifically excluded from the protection and the rights stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Although their ongoing displacement clearly constitutes a protracted refugee situation, Palestinian refugees do not respond to three-step solution that the UNHCR pursues in such situations: assimilation, resettlement or repatriation. By resolution 194 the United Nations in 1948 enshrined the right of return for the Palestinian refugees and created a dedicated agency, the Conciliation Commission on Palestine (UNCCP), to assure the collective rights of Palestinians. The UNCCP has become obsolete over the years without being formally abandoned and the UNRWA, the Relief and Works Agency that is tasked with the delivery humanitarian assistance is facing increasing restrictions. Being tied to weak organisations that were meant to offer some sort of protection, many Palestinian refugees today have to face the dilemma that only collective rights, as stipulated in resolution 194, preserve their right of return. Upholding this collective claim means that they have to no access to individual rights and thus suffer from a protection gap that is ever growing.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis is engaged in the challenge that non-state actors pose for the international order in a context of human rights violations. For that, it focuses on how these actors influence...Show moreThis thesis is engaged in the challenge that non-state actors pose for the international order in a context of human rights violations. For that, it focuses on how these actors influence international politics, mainly through their role on implementing human rights norms, taking as a study case the Western Sahara pursuit of self-determination. The international and transnational solidarity network are to be seen as advocacy networks, and their actions, history, and role on implementing human rights norms will be analyzed. The domestic dimension of this advocacy will be explored through an initiative emerged from the Dutch society – the Polisario Komitee. The transnational dimension, in its turn, will be analyzed through the European Coordinating Conference of Support to the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO). The work will shed light on how these initiatives operate, in order to analyze if they prove to be effective in promoting the change they are committed to – as well as what are the elements that influence negatively in their advocacy. For that, the methodological approach includes a combination of primary archival sources, interviews, and literature on human rights, International Relations, and advocacy networks.Show less
ABSTRACT One of the approaches to problems regarding immigration and border control is to ask the question if the right to immigration ought to be a human right. Although the human right to...Show moreABSTRACT One of the approaches to problems regarding immigration and border control is to ask the question if the right to immigration ought to be a human right. Although the human right to immigration does not exist in law of morality, border control policies still need to be morally justified by self-determination and be free of the coercion of personal autonomy.Show less
The EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s...Show moreThe EU-Turkey Deal concluded on the 18th of March 2016 has as its main goal the reduction of irregular migration. It is the latest evidence of the increasing externalization of the European Union’s asylum policies which is achieved through the conclusion of agreements between the Union and third countries regarding asylum processes. It allows the EU to maintain control over entries into its territory and the asylum process, yet questions have arisen regarding its ability to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and provide respect for fundamental human rights. Under Article 80 TFEU, Union policies are to be governed by the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing within the European Union and in its relation to the wider world. The EU-Turkey Deal implies Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country on the basis of Article 38 of the Asylum Procedure Directive under the Common European Asylum System. A failed military coup, a violent breakdown and a refugee population of 2.8 million people of which most are without basic needs all hint toward Turkey’s inability to be designated a Safe Third Country. Many angles to the EU Turkey Deal have been examined, except for its conformity with international and European law. This is where this research paper comes in. It examines Turkey status as a Safe Third Country and investigate its conformity with and ability to uphold the principles of solidarity and responsibility sharing and provide respect for fundamental human rights. To that end, this research paper analyses primary legal sources combined with NGO reports to deconstruct Turkey’s status as a Safe Third Country. An argumentative legal dogmatic methodology examines whether Turkey was in compliance with obligations arising out of international, European and Turkish legal sources. The findings of this analysis are combined with the analysis of the most important court cases of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Justice and NGO reports. This research papers’ main finding is that Turkey cannot be designated as a Safe Third Country and that the Deal violates international and European law. This because Turkey is in breach of three essential requirements to be designated a Safe Third Country; it does not respect the principle of nondiscrimination, it does not respect the principle of non-refoulement and it does not provide for access to the asylum procedure. This results in an inability of the Deal and Turkey to uphold the rights of asylum seekers and to provide for solidarity and responsibility sharing.Show less