This study investigates how political activism evolves and changes from the homeland to the diasporic setting through an analysis of the case of Egypt. Drawing from interviews with four Egyptian...Show moreThis study investigates how political activism evolves and changes from the homeland to the diasporic setting through an analysis of the case of Egypt. Drawing from interviews with four Egyptian activists now residing in Europe, the research highlights how, fleeing repression under an authoritarian regime, Egyptian activists continue to engage in activism and politics in the host countries. In this sense, different forms of activism are explored: human rights, online, grassroots and journalistic activism. The findings reveal that activists tend to shift from a mostly domestic to an international focus, using the opportunities and the freedom they experience abroad as a tool to engage in broader human rights issues. Egyptian activists are inserted into transnational networks and foster diasporic connections with other exiled activists. These influence the forms, goals and perception of their activism, as they facilitate collective actions that exceed state borders, especially around causes such as Palestine. Due to the limited scope and sensitive nature of the research, a small number of interviews have been conducted. However, the paper is able to provide relevant insights into the reality of exile and into different forms of engagement of political activism in the diaspora. The paper thus contributes to the academic debate on the political potentials of diaspora, calling for further research on exilic activism, particularly in contexts of repressive regimes.Show less
This thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes...Show moreThis thesis features a case study which examines the explanatory capabilities of Regilme’s theory of Interest Convergence over the human rights situation in post-9/11 Kenya. The Thesis undertakes research into Kenya’s history as a recipient of foreign aid and an abuser of human rights. By examining the different independent variables which make up the Interest Convergence theory this study has found that the theory almost perfectly describes the mechanisms in which the donor-recipient dynamic between Kenya and donor states, and the enduring domestic condition of impunity and weak governmental legitimacy, led to a worsening of physical integrity rights for a significant segment of Kenya’s population. This adds reinforcement to Regilme’s own case studies of South-East Asia where the theory showed explanatory power. This thesis thus concludes that the processes described by the Interest Convergence theory have strong explanatory capabilities over the process in which physical integrity outcomes resulted from the reception of foreign counterterrorism aid in post-9/11 Kenya.Show less
This thesis explored the Afropessimism framework for examining the dynamics of race and racial inequality in the United States and Brazilian contexts and its potential for advancing racial justice...Show moreThis thesis explored the Afropessimism framework for examining the dynamics of race and racial inequality in the United States and Brazilian contexts and its potential for advancing racial justice efforts. It examined and answered the following questions: How does the critical perspective of Afropessimism impact the experiences and identities of individuals of African descent in the Americas, specifically in the U.S. and Brazil? How does Afropessimism critique the effectiveness of the human rights framework in securing racial justice for individuals within the African diaspora? To examine the translatability of Afropessimism to a different cultural context other than that of the U.S., I researched whether this theoretical framework could also accurately explain the historical and contemporary experiences of Black individuals in Brazil. These questions aimed to evaluate the extent to which Afropessimism, departing from other racial theories, such as intersectionality, questions the efficacy of the human rights framework in transforming society and its social institutions, as a means of irrevocably achieving racial justice.Show less
The growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance...Show moreThe growth of the Peoples’ Republic of China’s economic development, and growth of influence within the international sphere, the nation is able to offer an alternative model to global governance and state development. This study seeks to answer whether or not the People’s Republic of China is actively developing its own framework for global governance, state development and human rights. Furthermore, it will aim to answer whether the actions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) developed in the 21st century towards achieving that end? This analysis will focus on the development of three variables that promote China’s ability in undermining human rights governance and democratic promotion, with a focus on the CCP’s machinations within the United Nations (UN), in order to provide an insight into whether China’s actions represent an intent on establishing a new world order in the 21st century.Show less
This thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt,...Show moreThis thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, is used to analyse the situation of the refugee in the three case studies of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is argued that biopolitics are employed to control and exclude the Palestinian refugee. The host-state excuses this exclusion through the retoric of the incommensurability of the right of return to Palestine with citizenship of the host-state. Gaining citizenship of the host-state supposedly cancels the right of return to Palestine. This discourse is a tool that is employed by the host-states when he refugee proses a threat to their status quo. This thesis disagrees with this supposed incommensurability argueing that the two can co-exist. Furthermore, an analysis of the situation of the Palestinian refugee in the case studies leads to the conclusion that Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben were right when argueing that the nation-state is the only institution capable of upholding human rights and that without citizenship the refugee is vulnerable and without protection. Because of this, serious steps need to be taken towards citizenship for the Palestinian refugee.Show less
By investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize...Show moreBy investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize economic development over human rights issues, although they differ in their motivations. This theory-testing case analysis dives into a descriptive account of the actions of Japan and the ROK considering the Rohingya Crisis. While Japan struggles to deal with its imperial past and continues to argue for a kakehashi approach, it is found how human rights have taken second place behind economic development projects. Similarly, the ROK strives for recognition by trying to establish itself as a leader, yet simultaneously fails to lead the way when it comes to standing for the OECD/DAC norms. The descriptive account of both countries shows how human rights issues are snowed under by the importance given to economic development and a favorable relationship with the government of Myanmar.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Liberal Arts and Sciences: Global Challenges (LUC) (BA/BSc)
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On 16 November 2012, the United States passed the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012, followed by the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in 2016. This act allows...Show moreOn 16 November 2012, the United States passed the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012, followed by the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act in 2016. This act allows the US to employ targeted sanctions against individuals and entities responsible for human rights abuses and corruption. The European Union created a similar regime, the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, in 2020, which also targets individuals and entities responsible for human rights abuses but does not target those accused of corruption. While targeted sanctions avoid collateral damage to entire countries, they often lack safeguards for the listed individuals. This study is a comparative, doctrinal analysis that looks at the effectiveness of the due process mechanisms in the US Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime. Both of the sanction regimes have several due process mechanisms in place which protect the rights of individuals yet in some areas, such as specific delisting criteria, they are lacking. In general, the EU regime has more effective due process mechanisms than the US act, though even the EU regime is still not perfect.Show less
The Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from...Show moreThe Thesis constitutes an effort towards a comparative approach on the rhetoric and use of “Human Rights Language” of Yemeni and Syrian representatives at the United Nations General Assembly from 2010 until 2019. The Theory of compliance serves as a means to explore possible explanations regarding the reason and extend to which Yemen and Syria representatives respectively, use the language of Human Rights during civil wars.Show less
This thesis researches the actions and motivations of the School of the Americas Watch (SOAW), a human rights organization that protests the existence of the U.S. Army institution the School of the...Show moreThis thesis researches the actions and motivations of the School of the Americas Watch (SOAW), a human rights organization that protests the existence of the U.S. Army institution the School of the Americas (SOA), from 1990 until 2001 in the context of human rights scholarship on the 1970s and the 1980s. The SOAW believed the U.S. was directly culpable in the human rights violations committed by graduates of the SOA. The SOAW’s definition of human rights was that of bodily integrity. The SOAW was successful in lobbying Congress to such an extent that the SOA closed in December 2000, however a replacement institute opened just a month later.Show less
This thesis explores the Dutch response to the human rights violations committed against the Uyghur people by the People’s Republic of China. By comparing the PRC’s human rights violations to those...Show moreThis thesis explores the Dutch response to the human rights violations committed against the Uyghur people by the People’s Republic of China. By comparing the PRC’s human rights violations to those committed by Myanmar and Venezuela, it contextualizes the response of the Dutch government. This research observes that the while the PRC has committed all major offenses of which Myanmar and Venezuela have been accused, and for which sanctions have been imposed upon the two states, the Dutch government appears unwilling to impose similar restrictions upon China. Though the assessment of government discourse and the incorporation of threat perception theory as a possible principle for explaining this inconsistency, the paper finds that China’s status as a great power, primarily its economic might, has kept the Dutch government from risking the ire of the PRC as long as it is not guaranteed to have the support of its allies in the European Union.Show less
The reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is...Show moreThe reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is worthy of interest and analysis for its implications on History and International Relations. This work aims to decentralize International Relations and make it less Eurocentric. To do so, the author reassessed the role of Latin American thinkers and diplomats in Human Rights theorization in the 1940s, to show that crucial theoretical developments were made outside the Global North. In detail, this thesis argues that the region has actively participated in the construction of the language of human rights instead of simply receiving ideas and concepts from the Global North. It focuses on the Larreta Doctrine, a doctrine developed in Uruguay that tackled multilateralism, sovereignty and the violation of human rights. Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta, then Uruguayan Foreign Minister, theorized this Doctrine in 1945, in response to the dualism between sovereignty and international Rights protection hardly felt in the Latin American Region. So, Larreta thought that the idea that non-intervention in states’ domestic affairs is conditional to the respect for citizens’ fundamental rights. Moreover, the Uruguayan Foreign Minister stated that a precommitment regime and collective intervention are not a violation of sovereignty.Show less
The European Convention on Human Rights stipulates the death penalty as an exception to the right to life. However, the punishment has been abolished completely in Europe through its subsequent...Show moreThe European Convention on Human Rights stipulates the death penalty as an exception to the right to life. However, the punishment has been abolished completely in Europe through its subsequent Protocols and jurisprudential development of the European Court of Human Rights. As such, Europe (the Council of Europe and the European Union) insists that the death penalty should be abolished in Japan, while Japan continues to administer the form of punishment. One of Europe’s central arguments is that: (i) Japan has become party to international agreements that include the right to life; (ii) the death penalty violates the right to life; (iii) therefore, Japan should abolish the death penalty. In so arguing, Europe promotes the norm of abolishing the punishment as universal, while Japan does not accept such a claim. Against this backdrop, the thesis is guided by the following question: how do the conceptions of the right to life differ between Europe and Japan? It attempts to answer the question through undertaking a cross-cultural examination of the conceptions of the right to life within Europe and Japan. It does so through close-reading legal instruments and case law, taking into account the views of contemporary authors. In light of European and Japanese behaviours toward the two principal issues of the right to life, namely the death penalty and euthanasia, the study concludes by maintaining that, when concerning the conceptions of the right to life: (1) alienability of life (to take one’s life) is more generally accepted in Japan than in Europe; and (2) in Japan, public sentiments continue to play a significant role, whereas in Europe they do not. While the thesis does not claim for or against the death penalty, these differences suggest that specific understanding of each right within particular social orders should not be neglected in international communications.Show less
