2004 was the year in which the European Union (EU) underwent its most extensive enlargement thus far, as ten former Soviet Union (SU) countries joined the EU. Within the SU, human rights were only...Show more2004 was the year in which the European Union (EU) underwent its most extensive enlargement thus far, as ten former Soviet Union (SU) countries joined the EU. Within the SU, human rights were only recognized for groups, which deviates from the Western perspective. This led to a strict pre-accession conditionality regarding the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights. The objective of this thesis is to identify and explain the compliance regarding human rights in these countries during the post-accession years, subsequent to the period of strict conditionality. This will be achieved through a comparative analysis of human rights indices from the CEE countries that joined during 2004-2007 enlargement wave from 1985 to 2016. Additionally, a case study will be employed to further investigate the topic. The findings indicate that those countries did not solely improve their human rights situation just to meet the EU-requirements for admission, and subsequently lost motivation to sustain these improvements after joining the EU. The countries changed their institutions and norms and are motivated by a desire to affirm their identities as members of a society, which results in the improvement of human rights. Based on the results of the analysis it could be stated that EU-Membership has a bigger influence on a countries’ human rights than domestic factors.Show less
This thesis looks at how human rights activism of the Uyghur diaspora in The Netherlands and NGOs impacts Dutch foreign policy towards the People’s Republic of China. I explore academic writing on...Show moreThis thesis looks at how human rights activism of the Uyghur diaspora in The Netherlands and NGOs impacts Dutch foreign policy towards the People’s Republic of China. I explore academic writing on human rights, the construction of foreign policy and human rights activism related to the PRC. These are later looked at through the public and private actions of the Uyghur diaspora in The Netherlands. Furthermore, I will look at the influence of NGOs in Dutch foreign policy construction, as well as, their implications for supranational institutions such as the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU). Firstly, by look at existing literature on the Uyghurs in East-Turkestan. Secondly, in by blending literature with the information about the influence of the activism of the Uyghur diaspora in The Netherlands. Thirdly, by looking at the impact of the advocacy of NGOs within and outside the country and their impact on the foreign policy of the Dutch government. Through this case study, I examine the validity of the “spiral model” by Risse and Ropp in the Dutch context.Show less
In recent years, especially after the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, a trend can be figured out whereby migrants and refugees that try to reach the EU are no longer met with a humanitarian approach and...Show moreIn recent years, especially after the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, a trend can be figured out whereby migrants and refugees that try to reach the EU are no longer met with a humanitarian approach and policies that secure their rights but are increasingly perceived as a security problem and accordingly treated by the European agencies. This also finds expression in the externalization of European borders to North Africa in the form of third country agreements. However, since these migration management policies that are guided by a security concept are at the same time justified by the protection of human rights, this reveals a clear paradox the thesis will bring to light. Among the cooperation of the Frontex mission ‘Sophia’ with the Libyan coastguard, it is shown that a humanitarian legitimization is used for its implementation. This differs from th actual practices that are characterized by violations of migrants’ rights. Frontex uses surveillance technologies and encounters migrants as a ‘security threat’, whereby a securitization of migrants takes place through the actual practices in the Mediterranean. Thereby, private military and security companies (PMSCs) play a crucial role in lobbying Frontex, shaping policies towards a security nexus. In this study, it is argued that the securitization of human rights can explain this paradox. With the externalization policies and outsourcing of migration management tasks, human rights are used strategically to implement a security agenda that aims to keep migrants out of the EU.Show less
The question is where China's international human rights participation will lead to. Will it lead to the improvement of the international human rights system? Will it lead to the erosion of the...Show moreThe question is where China's international human rights participation will lead to. Will it lead to the improvement of the international human rights system? Will it lead to the erosion of the system? Or will it have little effect and sustain the system? This paper will discuss whether China’s participation within the UN has led to the erosion of the international human rights system since the Xi Jinping administration. In order to keep this a feasible topic to discuss within this paper, the focus will be on two human rights related bodies in the UN: the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). In addition, the research will be centred around the Xi Jinping administration, as an increase of China’s international involvement can be observed during his administration. Furthermore, the concept of the international human rights system will be based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the UN. The focus points of this paper will therefore be the Xi Jinping administration, China’s participation within the UN, and the erosion of the UDHR.Show less
This thesis researches how China uses the UN Human Rights Council to serve its human rights agenda. Through the analysis of statements, voting behavior on resolutions and the UPR mechanism, this...Show moreThis thesis researches how China uses the UN Human Rights Council to serve its human rights agenda. Through the analysis of statements, voting behavior on resolutions and the UPR mechanism, this thesis concludes that China has learnt to play the diplomatic game and is actively trying to reshape the international standards to better fit China’s foreign policy objectives. China is able to achieve this by familiarizing the international community with Chinese-initiated human rights terms. In the process, China aims to minimize external criticism and win the support of developing countries.Show less
This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
In this study, I examine the relationship between the business operations of multinational corporations (MNCs) and their uptake of human rights. In contrast to other studies, I investigate why...Show moreIn this study, I examine the relationship between the business operations of multinational corporations (MNCs) and their uptake of human rights. In contrast to other studies, I investigate why some MNCs are doing better with respect to the uptake of human rights within their business operations in by exploring the role of (the threat of) corporate human rights litigation. I find the following: first, there is an association between the ranking of MNC according to the Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB) and the human rights lawsuits the MNCs faced. Second, based on a case study of three MNCs there appears that most MNCs adopted human rights measures during or after they were confronted with human rights litigation, pushing the uptake of human rights by MNCs. Lastly, there is a rising trend of foreign direct liability cases against MNCs for human rights violations. Based on a comparative case study, it appears that these cases oftentimes do not bring any judicial outcome due to procedural requirements that are in most cases difficult to fulfil by the plaintiff. However, it seems that in most instances a judicial verdict is not compulsory to push a company towards the uptake of human rights within their business operations.Show less
This thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This...Show moreThis thesis aims at understanding how domestic laws concerning immigration detention in EU Member States have been modified following the entering into force of EU standards and legislation. This Europeanization process has been analysed in three case studies, namely Italy, France and Sweden. In this thesis, it will be demonstrated that Member Stated modified their laws to different extents, with a mixture of substantial, moderate and no modification depending on the specific legislative provision at stake. Also, some measures became more restrictive for third country nationals, whereas others were softened.Show less
This thesis looks into how able current human rights theories are able to handle instances of individuals identifying as things they are physically not. In particular the Otherkin, indivuals that...Show moreThis thesis looks into how able current human rights theories are able to handle instances of individuals identifying as things they are physically not. In particular the Otherkin, indivuals that claim they ought to have been born as an animal, and how that affects their position within the current human rights framework. This leads to several problems with the two most notable being that allowing somebody to identify as non-human means they don't have human rights so they can't identify as something non-human meaning they have human rights.Show less
Honduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras....Show moreHonduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras. The emergence of China, as an alternative trade partner, puts a strain on the responsiveness of Honduras to EU conditionality.Show less
On 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular...Show moreOn 18 March 2016, the EU – Turkey Statement was conducted by the heads of states or governments of the EU and Ahmed Davutoğlu, Turkish minister of foreign affairs, with the aim to control irregular migration from the Aegean Sea towards the European Union. Yet, concerns have been raised regarding the compliance of the EU – Turkey Statement with human rights. Human rights have to be respected in the EU member states as well as in Turkey. When Turkey does not respect these rights, it cannot be considered as safe. As long as Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country, the EU – Turkey Statement will violate the law of the European Union. This would not only have consequences for the current Statement, but also for similar statements conducted in the near future in which the EU – Turkey Statement might serve as a blueprint for human rights violations. To that end, the aim of this thesis is to examine the compatibility of the EU – Turkey Statement with international and European law, based on human dignity, the right to asylum, the principle of non-refoulement and the assumption of Turkey as a safe third country. The legal examination resulted in the main findings that the EU – Turkey Statement shows malfunctions on the upholding of human rights in the European Union and that Turkey cannot be considered as a safe third country. This because Turkey is part of the Geneva Convention with geographical limitation, the absence for non-Europeans to be granted with asylum in Turkey, a history of violations concerning the non-refoulement principle and serious concerns for inhuman or degrading treatment. In other words, the EU – Turkey Statement is not in accordance with European law and does not safeguard human rights.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries have plunged back into authoritarianism. These regimes combine both democratic and authoritarian principles. Resultantly, they are referred to as hybrid regimes. The most common democratic feature that these hybrid regimes adapt are multiparty elections. However, elections in hybrid regimes are characterized by rigging of elections and serious human rights violations. Consequently, the international community has renewed its democracy promotion efforts. Similarly, the European Union (EU) has strengthened its democracy promotion in hybrid regimes with a focus on elections. This thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the implications of the European Union’s democracy promotion on elections in Zimbabwe and Cambodia? The research question shall be answered through a comparative case study on the implications of the EU's democracy promotion on elections held in Zimbabwe and Cambodia from 2000 to 2013. Both case studies shall examine how internal factors (local factors within the countries) and external factors (weaknesses inherent in the EU's democracy promotion) influence the EU's efforts to ensure free and fair elections in hybrid regimes.Show less
The debate surrounding the headscarf ban in Turkey has been omnipresent since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk came to power in 1923. After 624 years under Ottoman rule, the Turkish people were offered a new...Show moreThe debate surrounding the headscarf ban in Turkey has been omnipresent since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk came to power in 1923. After 624 years under Ottoman rule, the Turkish people were offered a new secular Republican nation-State. Ataturk presented his six principles- republicanism, secularism, nationalism, populism, statism and reformism, altogether constituting Kemalism- as the much-needed vehicle for the modernization of society (Karabelias,2009). These ideologies initiated the ongoing search for identity in which Turkey finds itself today- between global aspirations and the local realities. For women, the reformist principle was translated into a ban of the headscarf in public spaces. This ban was seen as an attack on Islamist women’s freedom and access to public spaces such as universities and political organs, and recently some women’s movements in the 1980s and 1990s turned their activism toward ending the headscarf ban. However women did not always agree on the terms of this lack of visibility. For example, both feminist groups working in the public sphere and Islamic women’s groups acting within religious political parties are against the ban, as it prevents women from being represented in politics and limits right as woman (Cubukçu,2009). However, discourse shows that on the one hand, Islamic women do not support the ban because the veil is a fundamental aspect of their religion. On the other hand, feminist movements support lifting the ban so long as the old rule, where women live as men’s property, is not reinstated. (Cubukçu et al. 2004: 2012). These women fight the same battle but do not have the same rationale. Their campaign to end the headscarf ban stands between a global understanding of human rights - including women’s rights - and a local social reality concerning the needs of religious women. The research question for this dissertation is twofold: What is the tension between the local and the global in gender issues in Turkey? What role did women play in activism for human rights in the 1980s and the 1990s?Show less
The Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the...Show moreThe Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the period 2013-2015, as reflected in both the phraseology used and topics discussed in the published communiqués. It gives a detailed account of the developments in relations, looking at separate topics and the general trend in relations. In order to analyse the separate issues and the general trend, each communiqué and its issues are analysed and are allocated a value. The values range from ‘-2’ (very negative) to ‘+2’ (very positive). The value assesses how both countries talk about each other. It is assessed as being ‘positive’ when it contributes to building a constructive partnership and ‘negative’ when it damages such a partnership. The study concludes that the different issues of the Russian-Dutch relations developed separately from each other, but the general trend was that the statements on each other deteriorated after Crimea’s incorporation and the downing of MH17. These two events resulted in more negative communications on each other, because the Netherlands increasingly saw Russia as a threat to the EU’s neighbourhood and its own security, and therefore the focus returned to the primary national interest to ensure the safety of the state and its citizens.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
It is often assumed that act-utilitarianism cannot account for human rights. In this thesis, I argue that an act-utilitarian derivation of human rights is possible. First, I show that most major...Show moreIt is often assumed that act-utilitarianism cannot account for human rights. In this thesis, I argue that an act-utilitarian derivation of human rights is possible. First, I show that most major objections to a utilitarian theory of rights can be tackled by using a plausible definition of rights that contains no unnecessary anti-utilitarian elements. However, one serious problem remains: in any adequate definition, rights must have moral force. Because act-utilitarianism only considers the consequences of acts, it appears to be unable to assign the force to human rights that they require. I argue that primitive rule-utilitarianism does not suffer from this problem: it makes human rights have major weight in utility calculations, which gives them significant moral force. However, David Lyons’ thesis of extensional equivalence between generalised and simple utility entails that act-utilitarianism can assign just as much force to human rights as primitive rule-utilitarianism can. I conclude that, in contrast to what is commonly assumed, human rights do have force in act-utilitarianism.Show less
Morocco and the European Union (EU) have a longstanding relationship. Since its independence, Morocco has signed several treaties and agreements with the EU. When the European neighbourhood policy ...Show moreMorocco and the European Union (EU) have a longstanding relationship. Since its independence, Morocco has signed several treaties and agreements with the EU. When the European neighbourhood policy (ENP) came into force in 2004, the Kingdom gradually became a privileged partner of the EU in various fields. Within the policy, Morocco is nowadays known to be the largest recipient of European Union funds. Thereby, the ENP is often portrayed as an EU tool of democracy and human rights promotion. Yet, major events during the last couple of years in the EU’s neighborhood -the Arab spring and Ukraine crisis- have made the European Union to re-evaluate the policy. Herein, Morocco, a country often displayed by the EU as a successful example of ENP, proves to be an interesting case. The aim of this thesis is to analyse how the EU, through the ENP, has contributed to the development of Morocco’s human rights situation since 2004-present-on.Show less
