The use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State...Show moreThe use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), who defines much of their ideology on the subordination of women, allowing these women to hold frontline positions, in some ways be the face of the organisation, is puzzling in nature and shows the contradiction that the organisation purports. This thesis explores ISIS' transition to utilising female combatants and the reconciliation of their ideology with this action.Show less
This thesis examines the hard line drug policy adopted by the government of the far-right, former Brazilian president Jair Bolsnaro. A 2021 report published by the International Drug Policy...Show moreThis thesis examines the hard line drug policy adopted by the government of the far-right, former Brazilian president Jair Bolsnaro. A 2021 report published by the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC) investigated the national drug policies of 30 countries and ranked Brazil in last place in relation to the compatibility of its drug policies with UN recommendations. Drawing upon the arguments of scholars involved within the academic debate surrounding the “War on Drugs,” this thesis addresses the ideological motivations behind Bolsonaro’s drug policy through an analysis of semi-structured interviews carried out with four Brazilian drug policy experts. Ultimately, the conclusions of this research are that the hard line drug policies of the Jair Bolsonaro government were motivated by a desire to maintain a system of control and domination over racial minorities. Additionally, the adoption of policies to legally and economically strengthen the drug rehabilitation institutions run by Bolsonaro’s evangelical allies can be understood as a political ploy to increase the societal influence and power of his supporters.Show less
Chinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han...Show moreChinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han dynasty, which is the first major Chinese dynasty. However, there is much evidence suggesting that the Han empire used a more limited notion of empire, which challenges the theory of universal emperorship. Therefore, this paper explores the question: to what extent does the foreign policy of the Han dynasty reflect the principle of universal emperorship? To answer this question, historical evidence about the foreign policy of the Former Han dynasty is analyzed according to three aspects of universal emperorship: political emperorship, geographical emperorship and cultural emperorship. This case study yields the conclusion that the foreign policy of the Han empire does not reflect the theory of universal emperorship. Instead, the Han dynasty accepted the independence of other states, and sought for equal relations with their leaders. This result suggests that the association between Chinese empires and universal emperorship has to be revised.Show less
Can people be motivated to experience an emotion solely due to the belief that this emotion reinforces their ideology? This study investigated whether people would be motivated to experience...Show moreCan people be motivated to experience an emotion solely due to the belief that this emotion reinforces their ideology? This study investigated whether people would be motivated to experience ideology-congruent and -incongruent emotions, if they believed these would reinforce their (left or right) ideology. A repeated-measures design showed that across ideologies, people were more motivated to experience fear when they believed it was ideology-reinforcing than when they had no such belief. Contrary to the hypothesis, for hope, the data suggested motivation to be high regardless of people’s beliefs about its usefulness for their ideology. This study also investigated potential differences between leftists and rightists in their motivation to experience ideology congruent and incongruent emotions. Whilst the data suggested rightists to be generally more motivated to experience both hope and fear, these results had to be disregarded, due to a great gender and age difference between the samples of the leftist and rightist supporters, which influenced the results. The significance and implications of the current findings are discussed.Show less
This thesis questions how discursive practices in different adaptations of the same fairy tale: Little Red Riding Hood, reflect social and ideological values of their time and place, with regard to...Show moreThis thesis questions how discursive practices in different adaptations of the same fairy tale: Little Red Riding Hood, reflect social and ideological values of their time and place, with regard to gender ideologies and gender representation. This analysis is guided by poststructural theories of feminism that consider gender as a socially produced category, predominantly through language. This allows for the reading of “girlhood”, as a contested category involving various and often competing discourses of femininity. Additionally, this research relies on critical discourse analysis, which allows for a close reading of the authors’ linguistic choices that are potentially significant, as they encode and promulgate particular ideologies.Show less
The terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant...Show moreThe terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant differences in ideology, both through their style and their content. This paper explores to what extent these differences can be reconciled under the same concept of far-right ideologies. This research project, based on grounded theory, consisted of a discourse analysis applied on both manifestos. The two manifestos, selected in accordance with theoretical sampling, were coded in three steps, following the Charmaz approach to grounded theory. The manifestos mainly exhibited, to significantly different extents, four principal aspects: a) conspiracy theories, b) the construction of a nationalist identity and antagonization of ‘internal’ enemies, c) the stigmatization and targeting of groups due to ethnic or religious differences, and d) the interrelatedness of right-wing extremist ideologies and various subcultures, mostly stemming from the internet. All four of these aspects have been documented in other pieces of right-wing extremist writings, showing the difficulty of clearly delimiting the concept of right-wing extremism or even more precise movements contained within it.Show less
The government of the Netherlands had an immediate interest in the political developments on the Arabian peninsula during the 1918-1930 period. Large numbers of its Dutch East Indies Muslim...Show moreThe government of the Netherlands had an immediate interest in the political developments on the Arabian peninsula during the 1918-1930 period. Large numbers of its Dutch East Indies Muslim colonial subjects made the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina every year. The Indies colonial authorities were bent on controlling and regulating this journey in an effort to control the pilgrims themselves. Especially because Mecca was suspected of being the centre of an anti-colonial conspiracy in the eyes of some officials like the Delft professor and journalist Salomon Keyzer and the Dutch consul at Jeddah J.A. Kruijt . A good working relationship with the authorities of Mecca and Medina and by extent the whole of the Hijaz would certainly help to achieve this. By 1927 this relationship was apparently very good. How did this come to be? The main question of this master thesis will be: how did the different Dutch consuls and Dutch East Indies civil servants perceive the political developments on the Arabian peninsula in the period 1918-1930? I will argue that the observations and conclusions of these two groups, the Jeddah consuls and the Dutch East Indies civil servants, were to a very large extent determined by two different and contrary streams in Dutch colonial philosophy: the ‘ethical school’ and a conservative reaction to this ‘school’.Show less
Previous research has shown that people are motivated to up-regulate certain emotions if they believe that it reinforces their ideological convictions. More specifically, Pliskin and colleagues...Show morePrevious research has shown that people are motivated to up-regulate certain emotions if they believe that it reinforces their ideological convictions. More specifically, Pliskin and colleagues reported that leftists were more likely to experience hope, and rightists were more likely to experience fear if they believed that the respective emotions reinforce their ideology in regard to the acceptance or rejection of social change. The present research expands on these findings by investigating whether people would be motivated to up-regulate their level of anger if they believe it reinforces their ideology, and whether such motivational effort differs between ideological groups (left vs right). To this end, we sampled 206 British participants (114 female, 90 male, 2 other, Mage = 33.18, SD = 11.96) of which 115 (40 male, 73 female, 2 self-identified; Mage = 29.15, SD = 9.9) reported a leftist ideology and 91 (41 female, Mage = 38.29, SD = 12.43) a rightist ideology. Both groups were presented with one of three bogus scientific articles claiming that anger reinforces a leftist ideology, anger reinforces a rightist ideology or a neutral control article. Subsequently, the participants were asked to rank order eight headlines that hinted at emotion-inducing articles (anger, fear, hope, neutral). The results of the ANCOVA revealed a non-significant interaction effect, disconfirming our formulated hypothesis. Such null findings may support the context-dependence of anger and point at the necessity of adopting a multi-dimensional, context sensitive approach to the study of ideological differences in the motivated regulation of emotions.Show less
Recent research has shown that even in non-political contexts, leftists and rightists are motivated to experience hope and fear respectively, because of their belief that these emotions justify...Show moreRecent research has shown that even in non-political contexts, leftists and rightists are motivated to experience hope and fear respectively, because of their belief that these emotions justify their ideological convictions. This raises the question of whether the desire to reinforce one’s ideology could also influence the motivation to experience other emotions. In order to fill this gap in the research literature, the present study investigates whether believing that anger reinforces rightist (or leftist) ideology, would motivate people holding on to this ideology to feel more anger in response to politically neutral major current events. To test this, we conducted an online study with 235 adult participants from the United Kingdom, presenting them with (fabricated) scientific information stating that anger can promote and justify the principles of rightist (or leftist) ideology. Next, we assessed if this manipulation influenced participants motivation to experience anger, by measuring the order in which participants prioritized reading anger inducing news, as opposed to hope and fear inducing news, during the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. Our results indicate that manipulating the belief that anger reinforces one’s (or the opposite) ideology did not influence participants’ motivation to experience anger in this context. Also, contrary to the findings of previous research, leftists and rightists did not differ in their motivation to experience hope and fear. This thesis discusses the implications of these findings, and puts them into context with the world pandemic. Moreover, it proposes future directions for the study of ideological motivated emotion regulation.Show less
This thesis examines the last circa twenty years of Venezuelan politics and economics with a focus on populism. It seeks to understand the central cause of the current economic, social and...Show moreThis thesis examines the last circa twenty years of Venezuelan politics and economics with a focus on populism. It seeks to understand the central cause of the current economic, social and political crises. The paper poses the hypothesis that populism answers questions in this debate alternative explanations cannot. It argues that populism has been the underlying tool that legitimized and consolidated the government’s political and economic actions even in the light of overspending, mismanagements and anti-democratic adjustments. However, the paper acknowledges that there can be sound alternative explanations as well if one only considers central planning without incorporating populism. The thesis concludes that the current crisis is an ideology-made one.Show less
The present work aims at providing more insight into the complex nature of regionalism in Latin America. By determining three variables, presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the...Show moreThe present work aims at providing more insight into the complex nature of regionalism in Latin America. By determining three variables, presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the absence of regional hegemons, Latin American regional organizations will be assessed. The first chapter will provide an overview of the analytical tools deployed for this analysis. Subsequently, in the second chapter, historical trends will be established by considering the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and the Andean Pact. Finally, the influence of the three variables on two contemporary regional organizations, the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur, will be analysed in the third chapter. The hypothesis directing this analysis is as follows: “Presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the absence of a regional hegemon have the potential of, or already have had, a negative influence on the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur’s stability and the achievement of their long-term objectives.”Show less
Research master thesis | Literary Studies (research) (MA)
open access
this thesis argues that alternative approaches outside of the dominant deconstructive model of trauma theory are in order to more comprehensively represent the (embodied) experience of trauma...Show morethis thesis argues that alternative approaches outside of the dominant deconstructive model of trauma theory are in order to more comprehensively represent the (embodied) experience of trauma amongst women in Western society. In chapter 1 I will start out by tracing the concept of trauma back to its origins. I will pay particular attention to the narratives emanating from the medical discourse surrounding hysteria and trauma, highlighting the paradoxical and problematic conceptualization of the female subject in psychoanalysis. Furthermore, I will show, taking Alias Grace as a case study, how psychoanalysis and the dominant model of trauma theory can be a fruitful epistemological tool when applied to trauma narratives, but also what its limitations are in the face of the female trauma. Chapter 2, then, will further examine the underlying cause of these limitations and the origin of the harmful narratives perpetuated within the trauma theory discourse by exploring the relationship between the phallogocentric nature of Western society and women’s place within it. It will demonstrate why the female experience of trauma warrants additional reflection and that, in some ways, it lies beyond the reaches of the dominant model. And finally, Chapter 3 will propose three alternative approaches that aim at providing a more inclusive account of the female trauma. All three approaches will be characterized by an emphasis on the embodied experience of trauma and treat the female body as a potential site of expression.Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
Barack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis...Show moreBarack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis Obama’s foreign policy towards nuclear Iran and military Israel is explored to determine whether any of the three ideologies – liberty promotion, orientalism and containment – have potentially inspired Obama’s decision to establish the deals. In both cases Obama’s actions indicate strong influence of the ideology of liberty promotion. The ideology of orientalism seems absent in both cases, and the containment ideology can be found in the Iran case only. The findings indicate that Obama’s approach has been inspired by particular ideologies when he dealt with nuclear Iran and military Israel.Show less
