In November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and...Show moreIn November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and deepen cultural relationships. It does so on a regional, multilateral, and bilateral level. Although there is academic literature on this policy, most of the literature looks at the AEP through a realist lens, thereby considering it a mere “balancing” effort against China’s increasing influence in the region. This thesis opts to diversify the literature on the AEP by taking a constructivist approach. In doing so it seeks to understand how the ruling Hindu Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) conceptions of India’s state identity have shaped the AEP. Using the value-action framework and process-tracing method, this thesis finds that there are three identities which create values that shape the BJP’s preferences for the AEP. Firstly, the “challenged state” identity gives rise to the ‘increasing national security’ value. The second identity, a “once-thriving civilization”, gives rise to two closely connected values: ‘creating an economically stronger India’ and ‘ensuring India gets its rightful place in the comity of nations and international institutions’. Lastly, the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity gives rise to the ‘establishing a democratic and rules-based international order’ value. However, through assessment of India’s wider foreign policy behaviour this thesis finds that these values do not all carry equal weight. It argues that the pursuit of national security, prosperity and indirectly the pursuit of India’s “rightful place” on the international stage were the main factors leading to the establishment of the AEP. Thus, concluding that the “challenged” state and “once-thriving civilization” identities have more influence on the AEP under BJP rule than the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity.Show less
This thesis looks at India as a development partner compared to Dutch development cooperation. This thesis aims to find out if the South-South cooperation approach to development is differing from...Show moreThis thesis looks at India as a development partner compared to Dutch development cooperation. This thesis aims to find out if the South-South cooperation approach to development is differing from a traditional donor approach to development cooperation. The comparative framework used is based on assumed differences between SSC and NSC derived from the literature review and claims made by SSC emerging partners like India. The factors are terminology, the rejection of conditionality, horizontal partnerships, agency of partner/recipient, and capacity building. This study contributes to the academic debate on the changing global power dynamics in the liberal world order, with emerging powers like India challenging the traditional development approach. They are claiming a more visible and active role in the field of international development. Through comparative analyses, the following research question will be answered: In what ways is the development partnership between India and Africa different from the traditional development cooperation approach of the Netherlands in Africa?Show less
Since the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal...Show moreSince the implementation of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance (2020), also known as the Love Jihad Law, religious conversion for marriage has become illegal in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). This law can be understood as an attempt from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to prevent the conversion of Hindu women and to further stigmatize Muslim men. This thesis analyses how this law problematizes the lives of inter-faith couples in practice. For that purpose, seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with Hindus and Muslims from UP, who are in an inter-faith marriage, and with experts from organizations that support inter-faith couples and women with their right to choose. The interviews are supplemented with online stories from couples in UP. With these interviews and online stories, this thesis incorporates the lived experiences from inter-faith couples. Therefore, this thesis does not only contribute to studies on love jihad and Hindu nationalism, but it also provides insights in how the lives from inter-faith couples, regarding their relationship or marriage, have changed since the implementation of the UP Ordinance. The thesis concludes that the UP Ordinance has not only made it close to impossible for Hindu-Muslim couples to marry in UP. The criminalization of inter-faith marriages has also (1) caused inter-faith couples to lose protection and cooperation from the authorities, (2) it has stimulated Hindu nationalist groups and individuals to harass inter-faith couples and intensified the disturbance of marriages, and consider this as an ‘act of civic duty’, (3) and it has deepened feelings of suspicion and enmity amongst friends, family members and entire communities, as inter-faith couples can be denounced by anyone to the authorities.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis focuses on a fluid genre of glorificatory literature called Māhātmya. I critically edit, translate, and analyze a selection of Sanskrit Māhātmyas to increase our understanding of how...Show moreThis thesis focuses on a fluid genre of glorificatory literature called Māhātmya. I critically edit, translate, and analyze a selection of Sanskrit Māhātmyas to increase our understanding of how these kinds of texts come to being and how we can understand their processes of composition and transmission. I use a fourfold typology – which in itself is a result of the research – to point out different aspects of intertextuality found in the selection of texts. Analyzing these Māhātmyas contributes to a more nuanced understanding regarding issues of textual reuse, and sheds light on the concept of authorship, especially regarding the authorless religious literature of Hinduism.Show less
This thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the...Show moreThis thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth century. The significance of the Egyptian overland route in this period has often been overlooked when compared to the later overland mail established by Thomas Waghorn in the 1830s and the Suez Canal. This thesis will provide a reassessment of the overland route’s commercial and geopolitical significance to the British Empire during the period of George Baldwin’s two residencies in Egypt; first as a merchant (1775-1779) and then as the first British Consul-General to Egypt (1786-1798). The growing realisation of the route’s strategic significance by British policymakers, like Henry Dundas, predates the Napoleonic Expedition and will be examined in relation to Baldwin’s consular appointment in 1786. The commercial value of the route will be assessed by looking at the private trade of Baldwin and his associates during both residencies and is something that casts doubt on the traditional view that the Middle East experienced commercial decline in this period. Most significantly, this thesis will focus on the strategic importance of the route to the British position in India. The significance of Egypt increased as the East India Company transitioned into a territorial power in 1770s and 1780s. This meant that Baldwin’s role was a strategic necessity; something shown by a series of case studies on the sieges of Pondicherry in 1778 and 1793 as well as the transfer of Ceylon to the British in 1796.Show less
During the partition, more than twelve million people crossed the border to reach Pakistan or India, soon communal violence roared in which women, out of revenge and hatred, became the victim of...Show moreDuring the partition, more than twelve million people crossed the border to reach Pakistan or India, soon communal violence roared in which women, out of revenge and hatred, became the victim of sexual violence at the hands of the other ethnic community. One of the major issues plaguing women was the widespread abductions of women by men from the other ethnic community in which many women were stuck on the other side of the border. Soon after, an interdominion agreement was drafted to recover abducted women from Pakistan to India and vice versa. In 1949 this agreement was discussed again to be renewed and possibly amended. The Constituent Assembly transcript of this debate that lasted for four days has been used to investigate through critical discourse analysis which roles of women within ethnicity are reproduced and to what extent. This thesis has used the framework from Anthias and Yuval-Davis to define those roles. Women's roles as boundaries, signifiers of difference, and biological reproducers become highly visible in the debate and most of all point to one issue: the lack of autonomy and representation of the voices of abducted women. Moreover, while the distinct roles of Anthias and Yuval-Davis are helpful, they lack a relational approach to the prescribed roles of women and men.Show less
In this interdisciplinary thesis, I use history and anthropology to research the influence of migration history on the identity construct of Hindostani people in the Netherlands. The work is...Show moreIn this interdisciplinary thesis, I use history and anthropology to research the influence of migration history on the identity construct of Hindostani people in the Netherlands. The work is anthropological because I created data by interviewing 23 participants about their lives and experiences, and historical because I used a framework of scholars who have researched the complex fields of identity, colonialism, migration, and transnational history or have specifically researched Hindostani people and their history. Combining these datasets, I present a case study that goes in depth to find out what the influence of colonial migration is on Hindostani people in a ‘postcolonial’ society such as the Netherlands. The conclusion is a careful but meaningful one, as it offers insights into both the people I interviewed and the society in which they live. This study shows that identity is so complex and personal that migration history has divergent meaning and effect on the lives of individual Hindostanis, so that even pointers such as age and gender cannot indicate the importance of that history to a Hindostani person. The only exception to this was religion, as religious participants ascribed more meaning to their migration history. Their history played a large part in the constructing of their identity and in the raising of their children. Lastly, I argue that both interdisciplinary and microhistory, even though small-scale, are key to historical research, especially of colonial history, by creating data and writing with the people who are the embodiment of that history.Show less
This thesis makes use of a critical discourse analysis to investigate in what ways the Hindutva discourse on (re)conversion of people to Hinduism transforms the religion to accommodate marginalized...Show moreThis thesis makes use of a critical discourse analysis to investigate in what ways the Hindutva discourse on (re)conversion of people to Hinduism transforms the religion to accommodate marginalized groups, such as Dalits and Adivasis. The thesis provides an overview of the relevant topics and academic debate before getting into the critical discourse analysis. It was discovered that, through the Hindutva discourse, Hinduism is constructed as a tolerant and all-encompasing tradition, whilst similtaniously is experiencing isomorphism to monotheistic religions.Show less
Deze scriptie onderzoekt de opvolgingspraktijk in Mughal-India tussen 1500 en 1630 en vergelijkt deze praktijk met de opvolgingspraktijk in vier verwante rijken: dat van de Mongolen, de Timuriden,...Show moreDeze scriptie onderzoekt de opvolgingspraktijk in Mughal-India tussen 1500 en 1630 en vergelijkt deze praktijk met de opvolgingspraktijk in vier verwante rijken: dat van de Mongolen, de Timuriden, de Safawiden en de Osmanen. Er wordt betoogd dat de meeste van de rijken een ontwikkelend opvolgingssysteem kenden, doordat de nadruk op de doorslaggevende factoren voor het praktisch verloop van een opvolging veranderde. Naar voren komt dat in alle rijken de factoren afstamming, aanwijzing, verkiezing en strijd van belang waren voor de invulling van het opvolgingssysteem. Voor de bestudeerde rijken geld ook dat de (op elkaar inwerkende) invloed van de islam en Turks-Mongoolse traditie, belangrijk waren voor de vorm die de opvolging kreeg. De analyse stoelt vooral op primaire bronnen voor het onderzoek naar Mughal-India en op secundaire bronnen met betrekking tot de verwante rijken. Hierbij biedt Jack Goody's opvolgingstheorie een kader aan de hand waarvan de ontwikkeling van de opvolgingssystemen wordt beschreven. Daarnaast is er specifieke aandacht voor de rol die de vrouwen van de dynastieën hadden met betrekking tot de vorming en verandering van de opvolgingssystemen. Uit het onderzoek blijkt dat de vrouwelijke invloed soms van doorslaggevend belang kon zijn voor de verandering van een opvolgingssysteem.Show less
Economic development and nationalism are deeply connected topics. This thesis will research the utilization of historical aspects of Indian nationalism and the Indian national identity in the...Show moreEconomic development and nationalism are deeply connected topics. This thesis will research the utilization of historical aspects of Indian nationalism and the Indian national identity in the discourse on economic development. By utilizing a framework that is based on the reiteration, recapture, reinterpretation and repudiation of historical aspects with in the discourse on economic development this thesis is arguing that PM Modi is mobilizing nationalism in order to aid his development plan. By researching how the PM is addressing difference audiences this thesis shows how there is not one single nationalism/ national identity but multiple and these can be used to reach specific goals. By applying an established framework on a new region this thesis ties to open up the discussion of contemporary nationalism and engage with the question of western vs eastern nationalism.Show less
This thesis focuses on inspecting the special, unrestrained, and independent freedom of the city of Vārāṇasī through Viśvanāth Mukharjī’s Hindi-language book “Banā Rahe Banāras” (1958).
The cholera epidemic of 1902-1904 in Manila shares striking similarities with the outbreak of plague in Bombay in 1896, particularly in the colonial responses of the American and British...Show moreThe cholera epidemic of 1902-1904 in Manila shares striking similarities with the outbreak of plague in Bombay in 1896, particularly in the colonial responses of the American and British governments respectively. The heavily interventionist and militarist sanitary methods used by each power were masked by the façade of scientific neutrality and colonial efficiency, but each regime encountered resistance to their policies from the Filipino and Indian populations. This thesis explores and compares the plague and cholera epidemics, with an emphasis on what made each outbreak unique within its own context, and on their similarities despite the perceived difference between each colonial power. At the core of this thesis is the question of how colonial governance and indigenous responses to it were conceptualised in the context of the disease epidemics. An analysis of official government accounts of each epidemic demonstrates that, despite their claims to the contrary, colonial thinking and discrimination always undermined the scientific values that the British and American regimes so often espoused.Show less
Radical Right Populism is not limited to any specific geography but rather is something that has been on the rise all over the world. This paper is concerned with the question how radical right...Show moreRadical Right Populism is not limited to any specific geography but rather is something that has been on the rise all over the world. This paper is concerned with the question how radical right populism relates to a modern day understanding of fascism. This thesis will first answer the question of what populism is and then compare this to a theoretical approach to fascism. Because I will follow the understanding of populism as a political style a special attention will be given propaganda and how it is delivered to a given constituency. The case study used in this these is the Modi led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India. Within the context of this case I will focus on Mann Ki Baat, a monthly radio show held by the Indian Prime Minister. Throughout the text of this thesis I hope to show that radical right populism and fascism have too many similarities, in respect to its definition, theoretical approach towards these concepts and performance, to ignore. Furthermore, I will argue that the perceived direct communication that Mann Ki Baat and social media facilitate are closer to propaganda than a genuine political exchange. The research presented here is building on and adding to the growing literature on populism, social media in the political sphere and radical right politics.Show less
In this work, I aim at answering the question "What are the effects of India's rising emissions on the country's commitment to climate action?". Exposing India's rise as a global emitter and its...Show moreIn this work, I aim at answering the question "What are the effects of India's rising emissions on the country's commitment to climate action?". Exposing India's rise as a global emitter and its new capacity to act on climate change, I evaluate the validity of this country's exemption from binding commitments granted at the first UNFCCC Conference of Parties (in Rio de Janeiro, 1992) and reflected in the Kyoto Protocol. Annexes to the Protocol allocated binding targets for emissions reductions to developed countries (“Annex 1”) and an exemption from compulsory environmental action for less developed and emerging ones (“Non-Annex”). The division was based on each Party's cumulative emissions and capacity to act; in India's case, both have changed sensibly since the '90s. The empirical chapter confirms a growing external pressure from other countries for India to adopt new commitments. UNFCCC Parties recognised the necessity to include India into a new post-Kyoto Protocol regime for global climate policy to be successful in the coming decades. On the other hand, India's geographical vulnerability to the harmful consequences of global warming put the government under internal pressure to step up environmental action.Show less
Studies have been carried out that explore the effect of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda but there has been a lack of focus of its effect on the working conditions of women working informally. Through...Show moreStudies have been carried out that explore the effect of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda but there has been a lack of focus of its effect on the working conditions of women working informally. Through carrying out a qualitative content analysis of key documents, the normative function of the ILO's Decent Work Agenda within the context of informal domestic workers in India between 2008 and 2018 was analysed. This provided a nuanced and in-depth understanding of the ILO's role in the development of women who work outside of the purview of the rule of law and are also often marginalised on the basis of social constructs such as class, caste, religion and gender. While the ILO's Decent Work Agenda has resulted in the limited improvement of the lives of Indian women working in the informal economy the organisation ability to drive change has been curbed by its inability to enforce international law, and the neoliberal global political economy.Show less
Consociationalism has evolved to become the dominant theory for managing political stability in heterogeneous states. Consociations fragment power, delineate societies, adopt group-based rights and...Show moreConsociationalism has evolved to become the dominant theory for managing political stability in heterogeneous states. Consociations fragment power, delineate societies, adopt group-based rights and are governed by elites representing different ethnic groups. However, the primordialist understanding of identity, institutionalised policies of differential treatment and a number of normative failings means consociationalism actually increases the political instability it is purported to mitigate. India, one of the most diverse and complex societies on earth, has adopted several consociational mechanisms upon independence. The recently increased consociational nature of India has strengthened specific identities and increased intergroup and intragroup antagonisms resulting in rising political instability. This is empirically demonstrated by data from India’s National Crime Records Bureau. The 16th Lok Sabha election in 2014 represented a watershed moment for Indian politics and the saturation point for consociationalism. A disenchanted electorate turned overwhelmingly to the most anti-consociational party in the political system – the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The party has been the most outspoken critic of consociational policies often describing them as ‘minorityism’ (Varshney, 1993:252). The BJP, with a platform of development intertwined with an Indian identity, transcended the entrenched norms of Indian politics. The rise of the Saffron party challenges the theoretical validity and epistemological underpinnings of consociationalism. The normative manifestations – coalition governments and affirmative action programmes – played a paramount role in the BJP’s ascendency. The shifting landscape of Indian politics is not limited to the national level. The BJP now controls the majority of state governments. In India’s most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, where caste mobilisations are especially strong, the BJP gained a landlside victory in the 2017 Vidhan Sabha election.Show less
