Since the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad...Show moreSince the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad Hatta (the later vice-president), Dr. Soetomo, Sutan Sjahrir, and Achmad Soebardjo who studied in the Netherlands actively discussed Indonesian identity and the independence in an organisation called Perhimpoenan Indonesia (PI, Indonesian Association), which was reintroduced in 1925 after being originally established in 1908 under the name Indische Vereeniging. Firstly formed as a social club, the PI was later active politically. It frequently criticized the Dutch government for what they did in the Netherlands Indies through its newspapers Hinda Poetra and Indonesia Merdeka. The PI demanded freedom for Indonesia and had the spirit of anti-colonialism and non-cooperation with the Dutch. Later it became anti-fascist, which made the PI a tool for the independence struggle. However, once the purpose of the political movement –the Japanese replacement of the Dutch, and independence– became known, the PI was slowly dissolved, though the exact dissolution date is unknown. In 1952, an association that bonded and united Indonesian students with the spirit of nationalism reappeared with the new name of Persatuan Peladjar Indonesia (PPI). This is the benchmark year of this study as it was the first year of term PPI. From there on, the dynamic of the PPI has never stopped. Although it altered its name to Persatuan/Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia, the spirit still remains for Indonesian students overseas. The aftermath of the PI can be seen afterwards. Indonesian students overseas took a similar form of action. There are other student diaspora stories from the late 1960s, this time in the United States. When the Indonesian Orde Baru just started its administration, a handful of economic students from the University of California, Berkeley, were chosen to bring back the Indonesian economy from deprivation. In the United States, they formed a group that people called the ‘Berkeley Mafia’ that consisted of several prominent figures such as Widjojo Nitisastro, Mohammad Sadli, Emil Salim, Subroto, and Ali Wardhana . These students, who were linked together in Berkeley, returned as a group lead by Nitisastro to work under the administration of Soeharto. One of the professors in the Department of Political Science, T.C. Blaisdell commented: “These (would be) prominent Indonesian leaders are gathering,” as the group were having study meeting in Barrows Hall, Berkeley (Anwar et al, 2007). The group supported the Orde Baru until its collapse in 1998. In the 1960s I believe the number of Indonesian students was not as many as there are now. And in 1961, following the establishment in the Netherlands, the Persatoean Mahasiswa Indonesia di Amerika Serikat (Indonesian Students' Union in the United States) was born. Today, the number of Indonesian students overseas have increased, as there are 51 PPI in the world. Indonesian students tend to be organized as they belong to the PPI. This is not only in the Netherlands and the United States, but in Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Australia, Turkey, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Morocco, among others. These students association are familiar among Indonesian under the name of Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia (PPI). Although the associations are geographically separated, they seem to have similar form of organization, source of funding, and activities. I did not observe this pattern of association in other international students' association, thus it is worth comparing with other students' associations. In this study I address how the PPI Belanda developed during the different regimes in Indonesia from Orde Lama to Post-reformasi and how the PPI Belanda reacted to each regime. Next I question how the previous and current PPI organize itself in terms of constitution, purpose, membership policy, and medium of information, activities and source of funding. I also became interested in the PPI Belanda’s political connection with Indonesian domestic politics, as it is acknowledged that the PPI often deliver the Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) on current issues in Indonesia. Thereafter I discuss the longstanding relationships between the PPI and the government’s representatives, particularly the Atase Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia (Atdikbud) that is in the KBRI in The Hague. By examining these topics I hope the dynamic of the PPI Belanda will be more acknowledged in the future.Show less
