This research is concerned with the dynamics of infrastructure investments between China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Japan’s Partnership for Quality Infrastructure (PQI). It explores the...Show moreThis research is concerned with the dynamics of infrastructure investments between China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Japan’s Partnership for Quality Infrastructure (PQI). It explores the past and present political and economic relationship between the two countries, how both initiatives came into being, and contextualizes them within the contentious political relations between the two countries. Where most literature on the topic adopts a zero-sum confrontational approach, this research uses a comparative case study analysis and explores the overlapping strategies, seeking whether competition or cooperation is present in Japanese and Chinese infrastructure investments. As the BRI has received more attention in recent years, the primary focus of this research is thus on Japan’s PQI. Furthermore, it answers the question if cooperation is viable, depending on either party’s interests. The cases discussed are primary regions in the formulations of both the BRI and PQI and include Pakistan, the Greater Mekong subregion, and Kenya. Based on the findings of this research it concludes that cooperative outcomes are possible through the initiatives’ complementarity and by making use of both country’s comparative advantages in the recipient countries. Comparative advantages mainly present themselves by China’s large-scale, risky, and high investments vis-à-vis Japan’s technical knowledge and cost-benefit assessments. Competition is in turn rarely evident, but the potential for aligning the two initiatives remains untapped.Show less
This thesis explores the the impact of U.S. foreign policy on Chinese international status, focusing on two case studies: The Paris Climate Agreement and the 2020 Trade War. The research...Show moreThis thesis explores the the impact of U.S. foreign policy on Chinese international status, focusing on two case studies: The Paris Climate Agreement and the 2020 Trade War. The research incorporates both realism and status frameworks to analyze the complex Sino-American relationship, arguing that a purely realist perspective is insufficient for understanding the current dynamics. The findings suggest that U.S. foreign policy has a significant impact on Chinese status, with cooperative policy enhancing it and competitive policy diminishing it. This study contributes to international relations research by proposing an integrated approach of realism and status to evaluate major power relations, particularly between the United States and China.Show less
In the context of being faced by scarce literature on African (middle) power analyses in an international state system that shifts towards multipolarity, this research investigates Ethiopia’s...Show moreIn the context of being faced by scarce literature on African (middle) power analyses in an international state system that shifts towards multipolarity, this research investigates Ethiopia’s current power position/status in the international state system by analyzing the country from a middle power lens, which also reveals how Ethiopia can become a fully-fledged middle power. The analysis looks at four definitional attributes that have been identified in the existing literature on middle powers and tries to identify to what extent Ethiopia fulfills these, namely: Positional/material capabilities, behavioral/normative patterns, identity and systemic impact attributes. Subsequently, Ethiopia’s shortcomings in these criteria are being used to form policy recommendations that should make Ethiopia a fully-fledged middle power in the future. Eventually, the analysis showcases that Ethiopia can be considered an “awkward middle power.” Accordingly, a set of three policy recommendations is presented that aims at tackling Ethiopia’s shortcomings of its domestic economy, its extra-regional engagement and its rather negative regional perception. Interestingly, more recently Ethiopia was able to achieve positive developments that strengthen its power position, hence why one could call it a “rising” awkward middle power, which is a trend that the policy recommendations try to stabilize. Ultimately, this study aims at opening a debate around Ethiopia’s and other African countries’ (middle) power status and invites critiques and further analyses of this under-analyzed regional branch of IR.Show less
This paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The...Show moreThis paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The historical background contextualises the origins of so-called fortress conservation in the colonial period and the establishment of protected areas. The research takes a political ecology approach to establish a connection between nature conservation activities of international actors, national policymaking in conservation areas and the impact on the Maasai’s livelihood. The case of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area illustrates the enhancement of securitised nature conservation concerning biodiversity protection of ecosystems. However, this approach excludes indigenous peoples from the discourse of ecosystem protection and is inherently neo-colonial. For a better understanding, it argues for the equal inclusion of indigenous peoples in nature conservation efforts.Show less
This thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers,...Show moreThis thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers, which were then repurposed to be used in peace time after the war as an instrument to enforce the will of the newly established League of Nations.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of China's soft power strategies by comparing the nation branding elements of the Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremonies in 2008 and 2022. The research question...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of China's soft power strategies by comparing the nation branding elements of the Beijing Olympic Opening Ceremonies in 2008 and 2022. The research question explores the differences and similarities between the two ceremonies to shed light on China's changing position in the global system and its approach to projecting soft power. The analysis employs semiotic analysis and explores themes such as the past-future dichotomy and the appeal to norms and values.The study finds that the 2008 ceremony was part of China's "Olympic coming-out party" and focused on establishing the country as a rising power on the international stage. It emphasized China's development, heritage, and cultural identity, primarily for viewers unfamiliar with the country. In contrast, the 2022 ceremony demonstrated China's response to foreign criticisms and aimed to align itself with Western-centric norms and values. It showcased China's commitment to the international community and inclusivity by incorporating non-ethnically Chinese elements into the ceremony. The findings suggest that China's evolving soft power strategies align with its changing role in the global order. China's rise to a dominant player in the international system allows it to express its vision for the future and create a nation brand that portrays itself as modern, outward-looking, inclusive, and peace-promoting. However, China's exclusive nationalism and the Western-centric Olympic values of harmony and unity create a tension that challenges the believability of its nation branding attempts.Show less
The long-standing relationship between Turkey and the EU has cooled considerably over the past decade. Due to its geopolitical importance in various areas – including the fields of security,...Show moreThe long-standing relationship between Turkey and the EU has cooled considerably over the past decade. Due to its geopolitical importance in various areas – including the fields of security, migration, and trade – the developments of the Turkey-EU relations are closely followed by experts. This thesis aims to determine what factors have contributed to post-2011 Turkey-EU tensions. It is convinced that relying upon events alone is not sufficient to understand the key dynamics of Turkey-EU tensions and to answer the research question. Specifically, it investigates how the notion of identity – as an angle within constructivism theory - played a role in the rise of right-wing populism and Islamophobia in Western Europe, the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the EU accession process, and it also scrutinizes the role of identity independently. To answer the research question, secondary data was collected through qualitative and quantitative research methods. Primary data was collected through one-on-one interviews with both Turkish and European participants. Responses were analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The results show a strong correlation between ‘‘Self’’ vs. ‘‘Other’’ sentiments - as prevalent in Turkey-EU tensions - and identity. On this basis, both Turkey and the EU seem to find themselves in an identity crisis that they both reflect upon the ‘‘Other’’ to safeguard their own identity. These results suggest that developments such as the rise of right-wing populism and Islamophobia in Western Europe and the rise of political Islam in Turkey, each contributing to mutual tensions, are products of a contemporary identity dilemma.Show less
This thesis is an exploratory research that analysis Japan’s current Taiwan position. This was done by examining four themes: 1. The evolving place of Taiwan in Japan’s security policy and...Show moreThis thesis is an exploratory research that analysis Japan’s current Taiwan position. This was done by examining four themes: 1. The evolving place of Taiwan in Japan’s security policy and political discourse. 2. The development of Japan’s security policy and the turn towards a more sovereign security policy of Japan. 3. The development and strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance. And, 4. the introduction of the FOIP strategy. These themes were extracted from the literature. However, the literature in this field is quickly outdated. Besides no author in the literature did examine the four themes together with regard to Japan’s Taiwan position. Research was done through text analysis and comparative analysis. All themes show that Japan increasingly promotes values like: democracy, respect for human rights, the rule of law, and a capitalist economy, which it shares with the U.S. and Taiwan. Although, by now, Japan more openly supports Taiwan as a democracy, no costly signalling towards Taiwan was done since no explicit cost was attached to the signals. Instead, I argued that Japan did send a costly signal to the U.S. by explicitly stating that the alliance is unwavering and that Japan and the U.S. together are increasingly promoting their shared (universal) values. The value politics that Japan and the U.S. envision can be seen in a broader spectrum of countries and alliances promoting values. China, for example, promotes its own values. Values that clash with the shared values that the U.S. and Japan promote. Since value’s legitimize actions to protect those value and two different value systems vie for their influence on Taiwan and both see the other as an infringement on their own value system, the Taiwan issue is cause for serious concern.Show less
China has emerged as a new rising power with the largest Navy force and the second-biggest economy in the world. A regional collective defense security organization, NATO, has expanded its global...Show moreChina has emerged as a new rising power with the largest Navy force and the second-biggest economy in the world. A regional collective defense security organization, NATO, has expanded its global partnership to the Asia-Pacific region. This thesis seeks to research the impact of the military rise of China on NATO-led security cooperation among NATO and far yet like-minded countries. Comparative qualitative content analysis is conducted to elaborate on how the security implications of the rise of China engendered NATO to form global initiatives, analyzing two cases, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand. Theoretical expectations are based on Regional Security Complex Theory, which is anchored on constructivism: if NATO successfully securitizes China's rise, the ROK and NZ will create bilateral or multilateral security cooperation with NATO. This paper finds out that NATO successfully framed China as an identity and a military threat, and expanded security cooperation with the ROK and NZ based on common liberal norms and values.Show less
After 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This...Show moreAfter 2020, Japan-Taiwan relations have seen an accelerated change from an informal, ambiguous relationship towards a relationship based on Japan’s support for Taiwan’s de facto independence. This thesis argues that the drivers behind the accelerated shift challenge the paradigm that Japan’s Prime Ministerial executive office (the Kantei) exerts unchallenged control over Japan’s foreign policymaking (Mulgan 2017). Namely, influential LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have utilized the Hong Kong protests, 2021 LDP presidential elections and Russia’s attack on Ukraine to make unprecedented pro-Taiwan statements. These statements have called upon the Kantei to more explicitly demonstrate its support for Taiwan’s position, which is in line with the preference of nationalist right-wing politicians for a strong Japan in the international order and their desire to maintain political influence over Japan’s policymaking. Through these statements, LDP nationalist right-wing politicians have more or less ‘hijacked’ Japan’s foreign policymaking. As this undermined the Kantei’s leading role in Japan’s policymaking, the paradigm that Japan is a Kantei-led state in foreign policy needs to be reviewed in order to accommodate the influence of the LDP’s nationalist right-wing.Show less
This research project attempts to answer how the European Union has evolved its policymaking perspective towards Africa and the Africa Union in particular, in the light of developments over the...Show moreThis research project attempts to answer how the European Union has evolved its policymaking perspective towards Africa and the Africa Union in particular, in the light of developments over the past 15 years. It does so by building a broad theoretical framework based on different perspectives within IR, applied to the EU-Africa relationship. The framework consists of neorealism, neoliberal, constructivist perspectives, as well as the literature on Market Power Europe. Joint policy documents by the European Union and the African Union, as well as statements and speeches by top-level EU officials constitute the means by which these policymaking changes can be captured. Any captured change or shift in the perspective and motivation of policymakers could then be situated within the theoretical framework provided. It was found that there had indeed been a shift in policymaking perspective over the stated period, from a more basic neoliberal understanding of international relations and particularly cooperation and development, to a more robust normative and assertive geopolitical and cooperative stance. It is likely that these policy shifts were informed at least in part by the changes global and geopolitical landscape. This paper affirms the continued importance of the EU-Africa relationship, not just to the EU or Africa, but to the world as a whole.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics....Show more“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics. The analysis looks at recent trends and tries to scrutinize the prevalent narrative that Greece and Russia are two traditional allies. Despite fertile ground for an effective cultural diplomacy policy, Russia does not capitalize on the sway and favorable view it has in Greece due to several factors. Especially in the last decade and since the onset of the Greek financial crisis, economic ties have not deepened. While there is much potential for the development of cooperation, it must take place in diverse fields and move away from the politicized domain of energy.”Show less
Indonesia has been regarded as a prospective candidate to great power status. However, because these propositions typically build on assessments from realist theory, they overemphasize a country’s...Show moreIndonesia has been regarded as a prospective candidate to great power status. However, because these propositions typically build on assessments from realist theory, they overemphasize a country’s material capabilities (e.g. territory, GDP, and size of population) while overlooking other relevant components of status formation. In analysing power status through the lens of identity and behavioural approaches, this thesis considers the role of a country’s international relations in status change, and assesses how Indonesia’s conduct in foreign affairs affects the country’s prospects of emergence. Considering that great powers are increasingly enacting geopolitical strategies it could be expected that, as a prospective ascendant, Indonesia would follow similar procedures. Yet, the country has not only refrained itself from adopting a realist stance, it has prioritised a hedging strategy based on multilateral cooperation with regional and major powers, one that uses ASEAN as the primary vehicle for maintaining Southeast Asian security and stability. As this thesis identifies, Indonesia’s behaviour in international relations therefore does not depict any of the major motives that are expected to drive great powers to adopt realist procedures, namely: seeking greater status acquisition, and conforming to the pressure of global trends. Nevertheless, this does not necessarily imply that Indonesia is disinterested in upgrading its international ranking, nor that the country is unlikely to emerge. Rather, it poses the possibility that Indonesia may rise in ways considered atypical to Western interpretations, and achieve a hybrid power status position that incorporates elements of middle and great power states.Show less
This thesis analysed the hydropolitical relations between Argentina and Paraguay during the period from 1960-1994. More specifically, it applied the framework of hydro-hegemony on the hydroelectric...Show moreThis thesis analysed the hydropolitical relations between Argentina and Paraguay during the period from 1960-1994. More specifically, it applied the framework of hydro-hegemony on the hydroelectric Yacyretá Dam, shared by Argentina and Paraguay. By analysing semi-structured interviews and secondary sources, it was found that Argentina aimed to establish its hegemony over Paraguay and to consolidate the Yacyretá Dam's resources during the period under scrutiny. It did not succeed in this endeavor, however, since Argentina was balanced by Brazil, for which Paraguay could maintain pendular diplomacy.Show less
