Over the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all...Show moreOver the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all economic, political and sociocultural backgrounds. Chinese trade with Africa grew during the post-colonial period and continued to rise as African nations gradually develop. Those partnerships remain distinct from others however, since there seems to be added pressure for economic trade to unequivocally benefit the African side when Chinese trade is involved. Indeed, when assessing trade with Africa, critics often tend to emphasize human rights violations and poor working conditions inflicted by Chinese companies, while generally not holding Western companies to the same standard, or at least, not emphasizing the issue as much, when similar instances also involve Western companies. The Chinese trading model will be compared with fairer trade practices practiced today also known as “fair trade”. This thesis will be an attempt at a discussion to understand the standard of Chinese trade model in Africa while also addressing the issues emerging as a result. The fair trade market, as well as other forms of fair trade practices will be assessed to determine the state of trade practices between the two case studies countries: Ethiopia and Nigeria.Show less
There is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed...Show moreThere is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed overarching sovereign political institution such as the state to fulfil a similar role. In order to answer the question of what the limits of state intervention in international trade are I will argue that there is no legitimate role for the state to play. I will do this by turning to Locke’s social contract theory of political obligation, and show that state interventions in international trade lie beyond the legitimate domain of state action. After this critique I will introduce a possible way in which states may still intervene in trade by analysing James’ principle of structural equity, which applies Rawlsian Justice in the domain of international trade. Through the principle of structural equity James tries to legitimize interventions in trade by appealing to a constructivist social practice approach where nation’s mutual reliance on trade furnishes the grounds for intervention in international trade. I will then point out that this approach is misguided, and cannot be accepted by libertarian thinkers because James appeals to the wrong agent involved in international trade, and consequently fails to legitimize the principles of structural equity. Moreover I will argue for a laissez faire approach to international trade which is based on the idea that if there is no overarching sovereign political authority in international trade, then there are no rules and regulations in such trade, except for those which the contractees agree too. Finally I will respond to a number of possible objections to this laissez faire approach.Show less
The thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest...Show moreThe thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest beneficiaries of Chinese capital over the last decade. Investments from Chinese enterprises span across pivotal German industries (such as automotive, heavy engineering, and financial services). As a result, the research aims to investigate why the German economy and its industrial sector is a strategically important investment channel for Chinese companies on the basis of four identified hypotheses. The parameters for gauging the aforesaid framework would include technological know-how, credit risk, macroeconomic synergies, and ease of conducting business over a selected sample of European case studies in juxtaposition with Germany’s. The objective is to measure Germany’s economic competency in relation to its European counterparts, which can partially explain the behaviour of Chinese firms in regards to their expansive financial footprint in Berlin vis-a-vis other European economiesShow less
The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is the largest proposed trade agreement in history, affecting a total of 800 million people. Included in this trade agreement are provisions that...Show moreThe Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is the largest proposed trade agreement in history, affecting a total of 800 million people. Included in this trade agreement are provisions that challenge traditional ideas of state sovereignty. Most important of these are Investor-State Dispute Settlement provisions. These provisions allow corporations to circumvent domestic court systems and sue national governments before a tribunal that is insulated from judicial review. While a nation might want to exercise its sovereign right to regulate on the behalf of the safety and welfare of its populace, the potential effect on the assets of its foreign investors can lead to a regulatory chill affect causing governments to cancel its adoption of legitimate regulatory changes because of the threat of arbitration. To further investigate the effect of these provisions on state sovereignty, this thesis will employ the neo-Gramscian theory of international relations. Antonio Gramsci and the theorists of neo-Gramscianism break with the notions of state centrism and focus instead on the social classes that exercise global governance. By taking ISDS out of the law perspective and into an international relations perspective, we, with the help of Gramsci, can begin to identify the possible motives of such provisions and, more importantly, attempt to uncover the true origins of power and hegemony.Show less
