After South Korea announced the decision to place a US THAAD system in response to North Korean nuclear tests, China reacted with informal economic sanctions. Despite South Korea’s careful...Show moreAfter South Korea announced the decision to place a US THAAD system in response to North Korean nuclear tests, China reacted with informal economic sanctions. Despite South Korea’s careful balancing of the relations with the US and China, also called “hedging”, this strategy reached its limits with regards to the THAAD situation, as they inevitably had to choose between the US and China. Since the lack of research on what hedging state can do when receiving outside pressure, this thesis aims to fill that gap. I apply a theoretical framework with three hypotheses to the results of analyzing the political and economic situation between South Korea and China after THAAD. Although the Chinese economic sanctions damaged the bilateral relation with regard to politics and economics temporarily, South Korea continued their hedging strategy, ultimately resulting in the improvement of Sino-ROK relations.Show less
Despite the common belief that alliances are reliable, states abrogate their alliance commitments frequently. Previous studies reveal that various factors motivate states to take opportunistic...Show moreDespite the common belief that alliances are reliable, states abrogate their alliance commitments frequently. Previous studies reveal that various factors motivate states to take opportunistic behaviors, and the change in an alliance member’s military power is the most influential cause. Nevertheless, existing literature provides insufficient delineation on how the power change leads states to violate their alliance commitments. In this paper, I unravel the causal process of the abrogation of alliance commitment by analyzing the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact and the French-Czechoslovak Alliance using process-tracing. I provide evidence that the change of power reshapes states' preferences by creating a time-inconsistency problem, leading them to pursue the new preference of violating the alliance commitment. Although other minor elements contribute to states’ cost-benefit calculations, results show that the change in military capability affects the cost of honoring the commitment. When an alliance member’s power increases, the cost of self-defense reduces, while a decrease in power raises the cost of assisting an ally. An analysis of the aforementioned cases supports the time-inconsistency problem model in alliance politics. The time-inconsistency problem model contributes to sharpening the existing knowledge of alliance politics.Show less
With a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic...Show moreWith a ubiquitous contemporary discourse on China’s hegemonic rise and current territorial disputes in the South China Sea, China’s historical rivals joining the major power’s grand economic projects seems anomalous. This paper will show that despite historically problematic China-Vietnam relations, Vietnam still agreed upon joining the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) due to a dependence on China for national survival. More specifically, an economic interdependence forces Vietnam to cooperate with China on projects like the BRI, as Vietnam’s regime legitimation relies on economic growth. This reality is more so related to the implications of Vietnam hypothetically refusing, than to agreeing to join however. Defection instead of cooperating on the BRI, would make Vietnam’s economic growth precarious as Vietnam is familiar with how China reciprocates these choices. Although this still leaves multiple factors forcing Vietnam’s BRI membership an unlikely reality, this paper will show that these factors are overridden by the US as a significant actor when it comes to Vietnam's cooperation on the BRI. And when it comes to reasons why China has decided to integrate a ‘historical enemy’ into the BRI, one will find that China’s contemporary dependence on Vietnam is a significant variable in the matter. These findings will be made apparent by applying game theory’s prisoner's dilemma to the bilateral event of Vietnam joining China’s grand economic initiative.Show less
Compared to other recent governments, the Second Abe Administration has been seen as a government with a larger interest in nationalism and patriotic history. According to various scholars, this...Show moreCompared to other recent governments, the Second Abe Administration has been seen as a government with a larger interest in nationalism and patriotic history. According to various scholars, this nationalism is represented in Prime Minister Abe’s war commemoration statements, as in his 2013 visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. What is often overlooked in such discourse, is the fact that the current administration has now lasted for eight years and counting, and that no further visits to the shrine were actually made by Abe, despite his long-standing support for Yasukuni. It could be argued that rather than his actual visit, his restraint on further visits is more conspicuous. This study aims to determine the rationale behind Abe’s Yasukuni policy. Building on existing scholars’ work, it asks: How can the Yasukuni policy of Shinzo Abe be understood beyond the existing personal preference explanations? In this context, personal preference is defined as the affinity that prime ministers have with nationalistic interpretations of Japanese history, and how these are leading in determining their Yasukuni policies. Based on an analysis of previous prime ministers’ war commemoration statements (Murayama, Koizumi) and Abe’s personal profile, it could be argued that the Abe administration represents a shift towards nationalism. In relation to the Japanese publics approval of prime ministerial visits, surveys were held by Japan’s main news organizations which showed a slight increase in Yasukuni support over the last 15 years. While this change is generally attributed to the deterioration of Japan’s relations with neighboring countries over time, results of government surveys showed a drastic deterioration of the public’s perception of foreign relations. What these disproportionate results indicate, is that feelings of social distance between the Japanese people and their neighboring countries do not necessarily increase their support for prime ministerial Yasukuni visits. More convincing majority votes were found on surveys that asked whether the public approved on Abe’s restraint on Yasukuni visits, and whether the public found that Japan’s relations with its neighboring countries should be improved. On this basis, this research argues that restraint on the Yasukuni issue satisfies the majority of the public and is thus beneficial from a perspective of political survival. Further research is needed to adequately assess how the state of international relations will influence prime ministerial visits in the future.Show less
"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors....Show more"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors. Nonetheless, France desperately needed American aid to rebuild itself in order not to fall in the Soviet orbit. In the first years of the Cold War, the fourth Republic seemed to have traded the American military umbrella for an independent foreign policy. Moreover, the birth of NATO in 1949 appeared first to unify the West against the Soviet threat. Nevertheless, tensions between France and the United States were already rising. Their main issue concerned the decolonization, but the number of problems involved would only increase with time. Those tensions would, indirectly, bring the downfall of the fourth Republic and, ironically, bring back De Gaulle to power. President De Gaulle would, in the first four years of his term, remain close to the United States, despite some divergences with the American administration. The end of the decolonization process ended a burden for France, freed the French ambitions. The policy of "Grandeur" was launched. The French and the Americans would have, in the years following 1962, significant divergences which would almost ruin the dialogue between the two countries".Show less
This paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The...Show moreThis paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The paper does this through a positivist analysis of three dimensions of the Sino-Afghan relationship: security, economic, and political relations. The concluding paragraph of the thesis states that the findings are in line with the idea of developmentalism.Show less
This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
This thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt...Show moreThis thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt after 2011. Given the long history the mutual interests between the US and Egypt, the study conducts a throughout discourse analysis on the US statements and speeches delivered in the period 2011-2014, using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis identifies three major narratives displayed by the US narrative, namely democracy promotion, regional stability/US-Egypt partnership and security interests, in order to understand how the discourses came together in the US rhetoric. More specifically, the thesis contends that, after an initial cautious support for the Egyptian democratization, the Obama administration increased the narrative on democracy promotion in 2011 and 2012, while associating it to the regional stability discourse. However, after the initial democracy euphoria displayed in the first two years after the revolution, the exam of the documents seems to reveal a notable prioritization of the security narrative in 2013 and 2014, especially with reference to counterterrorism practices and regional security. Finally, the thesis underlines the presence of a tension between the democracy promotion and the fostering of security objectives which worsened after the ouster of Morsi in July 2013.Show less
Strategic culture is a concept both promising and controversial. The idea that culture impacts security policy and why an actor favors certain policies over others has appealed to scholars and...Show moreStrategic culture is a concept both promising and controversial. The idea that culture impacts security policy and why an actor favors certain policies over others has appealed to scholars and analysts since the concept was first introduced in 1977. However, some actors have received more attention than others. Most notably, smaller countries seem to attract less attention. This thesis will make use of this gap in the literature and focus on the Netherlands. Specifically, it seeks to illustrate in what way the Dutch strategic culture has manifested itself after the Second World War up to the present day. Using Alistair I. Johnston’s conceptual framework, this thesis found that the Netherlands was highly influenced by the war, drastically altering its security policy. It has sought to highly integrate itself in the international community, seeking cooperation in an effort to prevent war. Its policies are formed with this goal in mind and is highly grounded in international law, seeking the diplomatic over military action. While promising, these results should only form the basis of future, more comprehensive, research. I argue that the concept of strategic culture is too restrictive and fails to paint the complete picture. With this in mind, the concept of security culture is very promising for future research.Show less
This thesis poses the question "do international tribunals effectively contribute to conflict resolution?", which it answers on the basis of the tribunal of Bosco Ntaganda. Building on available...Show moreThis thesis poses the question "do international tribunals effectively contribute to conflict resolution?", which it answers on the basis of the tribunal of Bosco Ntaganda. Building on available academic literature, the first chapter forms a theoretical framework that defines effective conflict resolution. It furthermore explains how justice should ideally be achieved, after which it offers the reader a schematized checklist. Chapter two forms a detailed case study on the Congolese conflict and how Ntaganda's trial is situated in it. Subsequently, Chapter three analyzes the trial along the checklist. This ultimately leads to conclude that, theoretically, the International Criminal Court could become fundamental to conflict resolution, but that it somehow fails to flawlessly translate this into practice. As such, this thesis proves useful to practitioners- and philosophers of international law, as it identifies the bottlenecks of the ICC.Show less
On the 18th of September 2014 the United Nations Security Council met in its first emergency meeting on a public health crisis. The reason for this meeting was to discuss and find an appropriate...Show moreOn the 18th of September 2014 the United Nations Security Council met in its first emergency meeting on a public health crisis. The reason for this meeting was to discuss and find an appropriate response to the 2014-2015 Ebola outbreak in West Africa. The response came in the form of resolution 2177 and 69/1, which mandated the United Nations Mission for Ebola Emergency Response. A mandated health crisis mission is unprecedented in international politics and can be seen as a watershed moment. This thesis analyzed the legitimization process of the UN response within the larger discourse of global health security. A critical approach was taken in the form of poststructuralism, as it tries to identify and explain how certain issues have been problematized and how the discourse has emerged historically to frame an understanding of problems and solutions.Show less
The American occupation between 1945 and 1948 is analysed through the eyes and minds of American political officials working in Austria. The interaction between Austrian government officials and...Show moreThe American occupation between 1945 and 1948 is analysed through the eyes and minds of American political officials working in Austria. The interaction between Austrian government officials and State Department officials, working at POLAD (USFA) and the US legation in Vienna, form the basis of this thesis. In search of America's post-war objectives in Austria this thesis discovered more than just that. The analysis indicates that the American assessment of the situation was increasingly influenced by dubious intelligence and, conflicting interpretations of domestic and international events. Uncertainty over Austria's future (imagination) became more important than actual facts and figures (knowledge) in determining policies. Both the American political officials and Austrian government contributed to the questionable notion that the country faced a considerable communist-Soviet threat, creating a potentially dangerous precedent for the future.Show less
