The relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their...Show moreThe relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their representation of the Joint Compressive Plan of Action. It becomes apparent that the Dutch news media are dominated by the Iran-as-Polity discourse, that ties in with the Clash of Civilizations regime of truth. This prevents reconciliation and mutual understanding between the Dutch and the Iranians.Show less
The Iranian practice of Taarof has been defined as “the active, ritualized realization of differential perceptions of superiority and inferiority in interaction” (Beeman, 1968:56-57). So far,...Show moreThe Iranian practice of Taarof has been defined as “the active, ritualized realization of differential perceptions of superiority and inferiority in interaction” (Beeman, 1968:56-57). So far, linguistic research on taarof has presented it as a homogenous cultural practice (Koutlaki, 2002; Miller et al., 2014), however, Izadi (2015) shows that the same use of taarof might be evaluated differently by different people. This suggests that the use of taarof may not be so homogenous as it has been presented before. People who over-use taarof are classified as ‘taarofi’ (Izadi, 2016:21), a term that is generally used to indicate that somebody uses taarof, but can now also be used with a negative connotation. Beeman (1986:57) mentioned how young Iranians complain about taarof, although they do not feel they can change this cultural practice, and Izadi (2016) writes that people who use taarof to a lesser extent are evaluated more positively in a professional context. Nanbakhsh (2011:187-188) demonstrated how the use of honorifics by young and middle-aged people has changed. Although he linked the use of honorifics to taarof, it is of course not possible to generalize his findings to other forms of taarof, beyond honorifics. Based on these observations, the aim is to take his research one step further, by researching the attitudes of young people (18-37 years old) towards taarof, first exploratively by means of interviews, followed by questionnaires.Show less
This research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the...Show moreThis research puts a focus on the presentation of the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in contemporary schoolbooks used on primary schools in Iran in 2016. As a conclusion, I argue that the current Iranian regime legitimizes its power through a certain presentation of the modern history of Iran after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Notions of nationalism and Islam are important and point to a certain framing of descriptions around events such as the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and Iran's relations with the 'West'. Education therefore seems to be used as a powerful tool by the current government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Show less
De Iraanse socioloog Ali Shari'ati (1933-1977) ontwikkelde in de decennia in aanloop naar de Islamitische Revolutie van 1979 een hervormde versie van de islam. Hierbinnen had hij een sterke visie...Show moreDe Iraanse socioloog Ali Shari'ati (1933-1977) ontwikkelde in de decennia in aanloop naar de Islamitische Revolutie van 1979 een hervormde versie van de islam. Hierbinnen had hij een sterke visie op het martelaarschap. In dit onderzoek wordt deze visie door middel van het ontleden van twee speeches van Shari'ati geanalyseerd. Wat hield zijn visie in? Hoe past deze binnen zijn hervormde islam? En waarom speelt het martelaarschap een rol in aanloop naar de Islamitische Revolutie?Show less
In this thesis the relation between two poems of Mohammad Taqi Bahar and the relation between Great Britain, Russia and Iran in these poems are shown. These two Poems (Russian Canon and A message...Show moreIn this thesis the relation between two poems of Mohammad Taqi Bahar and the relation between Great Britain, Russia and Iran in these poems are shown. These two Poems (Russian Canon and A message to the Foreign Minister of England) are translated and put into their timeframe.Show less
Due to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its...Show moreDue to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its supply of energy. A key factor in the achievement of this goal has been the improvement of relations with oil exporting countries in the Middle East such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. This research analyzes how China has developed relations with the two major rivalling states in the Middle East and what explains the viability of an imbalanced system that is the triangular relation between China, Saudi Arabia, and Iran.Show less
Iran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the...Show moreIran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the presidency of Akbar Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami. The most important drivers in Iran's foreign policy in its neighbourhood are its national security and economic interests, which seem to go hand in hand in most of the cases. The thesis looks at Iran's foreign policy in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. from its policy decisions on support to Christian Armenia against Shia Azerbaijan, cooperation with the United States (the "Great Satan") in Afghanistan and Iraq, and its support towards stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan all point in the direction of pragmatism in the foreign policy, decisions which directly have an effect on improving both security as well as economic standing of Tehran in the whole region. It also shows a tendency of continued support towards its allies, using all possible tools to advance its standing and influence in the region; religion, culture, economic aid, reconstruction, trade and cooperation, support to de-facto and local power holders, all serve as means to advance its national interests in terms of the policy of realpolitik.Show less
Barack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis...Show moreBarack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis Obama’s foreign policy towards nuclear Iran and military Israel is explored to determine whether any of the three ideologies – liberty promotion, orientalism and containment – have potentially inspired Obama’s decision to establish the deals. In both cases Obama’s actions indicate strong influence of the ideology of liberty promotion. The ideology of orientalism seems absent in both cases, and the containment ideology can be found in the Iran case only. The findings indicate that Obama’s approach has been inspired by particular ideologies when he dealt with nuclear Iran and military Israel.Show less
One of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact...Show moreOne of the most important actors in Middle Eastern politics today is the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country has been the subject of much controversy over the past years, partly due to the fact that it is the only state in the world that officially bases its domestic policy and legal system on Shi’a Islam. However, the extent to which Shi’ism influences Iran’s foreign policy has been disputed. It has been argued by some that Iran’s behaviour on the international arena has more to do with political and economic interests than with defending their religion; others have claimed that, on the contrary, some of the country’s actions cannot be explained without taking into account the influence of the Shi’a identity. One situation that has been explained from both perspectives is Iran’s decision to support Armenia, rather than their Shi’ite neighbour Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war of 1988-1994. This conflict presents an interesting case study in the question of the influence of Shi’ism on Iran’s foreign policy. Some have claimed that Iran’s support of Armenia aligned perfectly with the Shi’a ideology of supporting and uplifting the oppressed, viewing Azerbaijan as the aggressor in the situation, rather than a fellow Shi’ite ally. At the same time, it is undeniable that Iran’s partnership with Armenia has provided and continues to provide economic benefits to both states. As such, the question arises: to what extent did the Iranian regime’s Shia identity influence the country’s decision to support Armenia, rather than Azerbaijan, in the Nagorno-Karabakh war?Show less
