This thesis explores the layers of meaning of resistance represented in protest art inspired by the Woman, life, freedom movement that erupted in Iran in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini in the...Show moreThis thesis explores the layers of meaning of resistance represented in protest art inspired by the Woman, life, freedom movement that erupted in Iran in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini in the hands of the morality police. This thesis engages with themes such as performativity, martyrdom, and intersectionality.Show less
This thesis tries to research the JCPOA and the German / French official and medial reaction to it and to establish a connection of this with the state of European foreign policy.
Intelligence agencies have been traditionally depicted as rogue elements within the state apparatus. In this thesis, I assess the validity of this alleged independent agency during the ‘Golden Age’...Show moreIntelligence agencies have been traditionally depicted as rogue elements within the state apparatus. In this thesis, I assess the validity of this alleged independent agency during the ‘Golden Age’ of convert operations: the Cold War. Throughout the said period, more subversive and clandestine activities became the norm instead of the erstwhile use of direct military force. The two most active Intelligence Agencies of the period, the CIA and the KGB were key actors in supporting and executing government overthrows mostly throughout the Third World. The two case studies I examine are the CIA coup against the Mohammed Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953 and the KGB overthrow of Hafizullah Amin in Afghanistan in 1979. However, my concern is not only the agencies’ role in carrying out the coups d’état but how they influenced the decision-making process within their foreign policy making bodies (the US National Security Council and the Soviet Politburo) to make these coups happen in the first place. By using the Bureaucratic Politics paradigm and other theoretical tools regarding the execution of coups d’état I underline how these intelligence agencies not only carried them but also were the main agents provocateurs behind the decision to intervene.Show less
Expansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to...Show moreExpansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to feed its growing domestic economy and, conversely, is pumping huge amounts of goods and capital out into the world economy. By focusing on the historical evolution process of Chinese investments in plenty of projects and its interests in expanding infrastructure networks in Iran, this thesis inquiry into the economic and political implications of Chinese investments in Iran. The objective is to explore and analyze how this process will be accompanied by two distinct but intertwined geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences: (a) intensify the integration of Iran's economy in China’s global and regional economic projects in accordance with maximizing the process of its domestic capital accumulation and, simultaneously, (b) preserving the configuration of uneven development of Iran’s capitalism through becoming a subordinated economy to meet the requirements of China’s economic development, which leads, however, to the strengthening and consolidation of China’s hegemony and influence as a superior power. Criticizing the mainstream state-centric approach and applying the dialectical method, the Marxist theory deal with the process of internal contradictions, expansion-oriented, and the accumulation-driven tendency of capital as the innermost driving force of the capitalist production and the associated power relations and ongoing competitions between the states and enterprises in the capitalist world-system.Show less
By using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of...Show moreBy using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of Iranian soft power in Iraq have been analysed: Iraqi medical tourism in Iran and Iranian investments in Iraqi infrastructure.Show less
This theis compares the effectiveness of the comprehesive Dialogue and the Coercive Diplomacy strategies which the EU had persued in relation to Iran. The goal of these stragies was to ensure that...Show moreThis theis compares the effectiveness of the comprehesive Dialogue and the Coercive Diplomacy strategies which the EU had persued in relation to Iran. The goal of these stragies was to ensure that Iran would halt its nuclear development program, while also improving the human rights situation in the country. The two strategies are compared in accordance with 5 factors deemed relevant in influencing nuclear development programs.Show less
The Middle East has seen increases in sectarian violence in the last decades. Critics of Iran accuse the country of having a Shi'a sectarian agenda and of stoking tensions. The academic mainstream...Show moreThe Middle East has seen increases in sectarian violence in the last decades. Critics of Iran accuse the country of having a Shi'a sectarian agenda and of stoking tensions. The academic mainstream literature on the topic is occupied with the puzzle of "How ideological/rational is Iran?" which leads to problems of ambiguity by assuming a unitary foreign policy on a dichotomous spectrum. This thesis critically assesses the Iranian foreign policy puzzle concerning sectarian ideology and reformulates its research question to "How does sectarianism factor into Iranian foreign policy?" and argues that domestic factional structures, translated through institutions, lead to sectarian features of the state's leading ideology, namely Khomeinism, being factored into the country's foreign policy decision making. A new factional analytical framework centred around interpretations of Khomeinist doctrine is developed and applied to events which are said to have led to increased sectarianism on a regional level.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the role of the movement for the international recognition of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners in Iran, and the impact of their activities on the development of...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the role of the movement for the international recognition of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners in Iran, and the impact of their activities on the development of the case within international human rights institutions. When the massacre took place in 1988, international responses were limited, however, nowadays it seems to be receiving newfound attention within human rights fora such as the Human Rights Council. Central to this thesis is identifying how this newfound attention has come into existence. Firstly, it looks at whether it can indeed be established that the massacre is receiving more recognition now, than when it took place 30 years ago. Secondly, it conducts an analysis of the development of the 1988 movement, arguing that the movement was able to influence the recognition through years of professionalization and the exercise of their own agency. Thirdly, it looks at the close interdependence of Iranian activists in exile, and Iranian activists who remain inside Iran, attributing the movement’s impact to their close cooperation.Show less
The relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their...Show moreThe relation between Iran and the Netherlands has a long history. Yet the image of Iran in the Netherlands is a negative one. This thesis investigates four leading Dutch newspapers and their representation of the Joint Compressive Plan of Action. It becomes apparent that the Dutch news media are dominated by the Iran-as-Polity discourse, that ties in with the Clash of Civilizations regime of truth. This prevents reconciliation and mutual understanding between the Dutch and the Iranians.Show less
Iran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the...Show moreIran‟s foreign policy has evolved substantially since the time of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. A major shift came after the demise of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, and especially under the presidency of Akbar Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami. The most important drivers in Iran's foreign policy in its neighbourhood are its national security and economic interests, which seem to go hand in hand in most of the cases. The thesis looks at Iran's foreign policy in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. from its policy decisions on support to Christian Armenia against Shia Azerbaijan, cooperation with the United States (the "Great Satan") in Afghanistan and Iraq, and its support towards stabilization and reconstruction of Afghanistan all point in the direction of pragmatism in the foreign policy, decisions which directly have an effect on improving both security as well as economic standing of Tehran in the whole region. It also shows a tendency of continued support towards its allies, using all possible tools to advance its standing and influence in the region; religion, culture, economic aid, reconstruction, trade and cooperation, support to de-facto and local power holders, all serve as means to advance its national interests in terms of the policy of realpolitik.Show less
Barack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis...Show moreBarack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis Obama’s foreign policy towards nuclear Iran and military Israel is explored to determine whether any of the three ideologies – liberty promotion, orientalism and containment – have potentially inspired Obama’s decision to establish the deals. In both cases Obama’s actions indicate strong influence of the ideology of liberty promotion. The ideology of orientalism seems absent in both cases, and the containment ideology can be found in the Iran case only. The findings indicate that Obama’s approach has been inspired by particular ideologies when he dealt with nuclear Iran and military Israel.Show less
This thesis is about the development in the institutional position of the Iranian clergy between 1953-1979 through the lens of New Institutionalism. In the thesis an overview of the role of the...Show moreThis thesis is about the development in the institutional position of the Iranian clergy between 1953-1979 through the lens of New Institutionalism. In the thesis an overview of the role of the clergy in the decennia leading up to the Islamic Revolution is presented.Show less
This thesis aims to analyse the divergent forms of temporalities and spatilaities within the discourse of soft war. Temporality and spatiality are explored against the greater construct of historic...Show moreThis thesis aims to analyse the divergent forms of temporalities and spatilaities within the discourse of soft war. Temporality and spatiality are explored against the greater construct of historic and cultural identities. By doing so, this paper opens the space for questioning the relation between identity, discourse and time-space as structural elements of narrative. By using a deconstructionist framework, soft war discourse is analysed from a new post-positivist perspective that seeks to understand the instability and constructive nature of the soft war narrative. This paper concludes by suggesting that the different articulations of spatiality and temporality reveal soft war narrative as non-homogenous and disjunctive.Show less
This Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni...Show moreThis Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the Arab Spring is viewed as an ideological and existential threat to the regime in Riyadh. On the other hand, the transnational character of the regime’s legitimacy contains the important connection between its survival and its regional foreign policy. These theoretical assumptions justify the Thesis’ focus on the sectarian dimension of the Saudi policies’ effects. As the research shows, continuously blaming Iran for the protests in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Yemen or Syria and, simultaneously, portraying these protests as a “Shi’a revival”, has reinforced Saudi and regional identification of Iran with Shi’a Muslims’ struggles. Consequentially, Saudi policies have inevitably facilitated the determination of any struggle mainly involving Shi’a, regardless of any sectarian dimension in its nature, as exclusively based on religion and, therefore, unquestionably supported by Iran. In this sense, as well, Saudi actions have determinately layered Middle Eastern conflicts after the Arab Spring with an increasing sectarian tone.Show less
