Every year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation...Show moreEvery year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation safeguarding the cultural and religious identity of the diaspora. This research focuses on this institution and examines the ways in which religion is manifested in foreign policy in relation to the diaspora in the Netherlands. This is done by analyzing a national policy called the Stratégie Nationale en faveur des Marocains du Monde by the Ministère chargé des Marocains Résidant à l’Etranger et des Affaires de la Migration. In the case of the Netherlands, religion is mainly manifested by sending religious personnel and materials. In general, Morocco emphasizes a return transnationalism within its policy by motivating contributing to the country’s development, but also return to Morocco. This return transnationalism was first visible in the terminology that Morocco used to refer to the migrants which were underlinging the economic purposes of the migration. This later evolved into a term that also emphasized cultural and religious elements. Furthermore, various institutions were found to represent the interests of the diaspora, including the Fondation, but this system is not flawless because their cooperation can be ineffective. The study also covers the invention of “Moroccan Islam” as a colonial construct and the Moroccan interpretation of Islam that consist of four pillars. These pillars are also visible in the Strategy for example by emphasizing the Maliki Madhhab or moderate nature of the Moroccan interpretation of Islam.Show less
This thesis examines the views of Khomeini, Shariati and Motahhari on several aspects of womanhood such as gender equality and marriage. Furthermore, it examines which of these ideas have been...Show moreThis thesis examines the views of Khomeini, Shariati and Motahhari on several aspects of womanhood such as gender equality and marriage. Furthermore, it examines which of these ideas have been translated into the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. By understanding which religious figures have been influential and which laws dictate the lives of women, I have tried to understand what is expected from women and what their position in society is. The constitution of Iran was an important source to understand the framework in which the position of women is decided. A critical review of the ideas of the three religious figures show that there are several problems with the translation of their ideas and the notion of equality as presented in the constitution into practice. Women in fact do not have the same rights as their male counterparts as the constitution states. Examples of this are the mandatory hijab and unequal divorce rights. Furthermore, there is a lot of intentional vagueness in the constitution in order to limit the rights of women. The thesis concludes that it has been mostly the ideas of Khomeini and Motahhari have been implemented into the constitution. Shariati’s ideas, that can be categorized as more modern and socialist than the other two religious figures, have been implemented to a lesser extent. Khomeini, Motahhari and Shariati all agree men and women have equal rights. However, the implementation of this into practice is problematic.Show less
The dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into...Show moreThe dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into the relationship between power and religion in Moroccan society. In this thesis I will examine the development of the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism in the 21st century, by analyzing the State’s utterances in the realm of Sufism within the country. In order to present an in-depth analysis, this thesis studies recent scholarly literature on this topic, as well as actual utterances of the Moroccan State in speeches and policy. Moreover, by taking into account the sociohistorical complexities of Sufism and politics in Morocco, I aim at presenting a discourse analysis that is not merely focusing on the present, but also considering the possible connections with the ‘old’ system. Drawing on Foucault’s notion of power and discourse, this thesis also aims at linking the Moroccan State’s powerful position to the discourse on Sufism. I argue that in the 21st century, the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism, or sainthood, has become more versatile and complex, due to it is entanglement with political challenges of the 21st century, and its employment under the realm of larger discourses.Show less
Er lijkt iets te zijn veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving met betrekking tot de houding tegenover islam en moslims door de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014. Deze...Show moreEr lijkt iets te zijn veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving met betrekking tot de houding tegenover islam en moslims door de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014. Deze verandering lijkt meer verdeeldheid en negatieve beeldvorming tot gevolg te hebben. Het doel van dit onderzoek is om te ontdekken of dit idee klopt en wat de verandering inhoudt. Dit leidt dan ook tot de vraag: hebben de gebeurtenissen in het Midden-Oosten in de zomer van 2014 iets veranderd in de Nederlandse samenleving? Het antwoord op deze vraag wordt gegeven door middel van het concept islamofobie. Het onderzoek focust zich op vier kenmerkende aspecten van islamofobie: het idee dat islam een bedreiging is voor de nationale veiligheid; het idee dat (hoofddoek dragende) moslimvrouwen worden onderdrukt; moslimdiscriminatie en de reactie van de Nederlandse moslimgemeenschap op de houding tegenover moslims en islam in de Nederlandse samenleving. Bij deze vier aspecten wordt er gekeken naar de situatie voor en na de zomer van 2014 met behulp van berichtgevingen in de media en berichtgeving en beleid dat vanuit de Nederlandse overheid komt. Uit de vergelijking blijkt dat er voor de zomer van 2014 al sprake was van een negatieve beeldvorming met betrekking tot islam en moslims in Nederland die te danken is aan een bepaalde zorg of angst dat de islamitische waarden de Nederlandse waarden zullen overnemen. De verandering die heeft plaatsgevonden is dat de focus op radicalisering onder de Nederlandse moslims is toegenomen binnen de Nederlandse samenleving en overheid. Dit roept op zijn beurt nieuwe reacties en beeldvorming op in relatie met de behandelde islamofobische aspecten. Het betekent dat er een verschuiving heeft plaatsgevonden van de zorg of angst om de overname van de Nederlandse waarde door islamitische waarden, naar een combinatie tussen deze angst en de angst voor een fysieke (gewelddadige) overname van de Nederlandse samenleving door radicale moslims. Dit heeft op zijn beurt weer effect op de reactie die vanuit de moslimgemeenschap komt. Er is echter nog te weinig data beschikbaar om met zekerheid vast te kunnen stellen of de verschuiving langdurige gevolgen heeft voor de verhoudingen in de Nederlandse samenleving.Show less
In de scriptie wordt een antwoord geformuleerd op de vraag in welke mate de politieke veranderingen in Irak van 2003 tot en met 2013 invloed hebben gehad op het belang van Karbalāʾ voor sjiieten,...Show moreIn de scriptie wordt een antwoord geformuleerd op de vraag in welke mate de politieke veranderingen in Irak van 2003 tot en met 2013 invloed hebben gehad op het belang van Karbalāʾ voor sjiieten, waarbij wordt gekeken naar Karbalāʾ als politiek en religieus doel in Irak.Show less
