This study looks into how the Islamic State (IS) recruits both men and women by using genderspecific narratives in its online magazine Dabiq. The study focuses on the themes of the narratives and...Show moreThis study looks into how the Islamic State (IS) recruits both men and women by using genderspecific narratives in its online magazine Dabiq. The study focuses on the themes of the narratives and frequency of specific words used by IS to appeal to various gender identities by performing a content and discourse analysis of 15 Dabiq magazines. The research shows that IS targets men and women using several gender-specific narratives. The most common topics among men are violent ones, emphasising martyrdom and violence in particular. Women, on the other hand, tend to focus more on social and personal issues, with a particular focus on motherhood. The data also shows that IS uses several gender narratives to appeal to both men and women. The prevailing narrative for men reinforces traditional masculine norms by focusing on ideas of bravery, protection and heroism. Contrarily the dominant narrative for women centres on stereotypes of motherhood and caregiving, which are consistent with traditional conceptions of the roles and obligations of women. According to these findings, IS customises its recruitment techniques to consider men's and women's distinct motivations and objectives, relying on gender-specific narratives to engage people in their particular gender identities. The study clarifies the part played by gender in online radicalisation and emphasises the significance of taking gender dynamics into account in counterterrorism efforts.Show less
Although jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist...Show moreAlthough jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist organisations: while female recruits increase the pool of followers, the discrepancy between their patriarchal ideology and women’s enlistment may have implications for their legitimacy. Whereas explanations have been offered as to how jihadists resort to patriarchal gender beliefs to legitimise their exclusion of women, questions remain regarding how jihadist groups use gender to legitimise their inclusion of women. Increased understanding of this gender component may yield insight into the organisational structure of jihadist organisations and their future direction regarding female recruits. Exploring the case of ISIS, this thesis analyses the extent to which the group adopted a gender perspective in legitimising its recruitment of women between 2015 and 2017. By conducting a critical discourse analysis, three gendered narratives are identified that ISIS employed in justifying its recruitment of women, depicting women as builders of the Ummah, as representatives of Islam and as guardians of the Caliphate. Rather than women challenging its patriarchal hegemony, the narratives illustrate how ISIS used this structure to create a set of gendered incentives and thereby attributed women (violent) agency.Show less
Muslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which...Show moreMuslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which experienced a rapid and unexpected development after 2014, increased these widespread concerns related to Muslim terrorism and radicalization. This thesis tackles these topics from the perspective of France, a country that has been hardly hit by ISIS since 2014. Thus, the aim of this paper is to analyze how the Islamic State, and Muslim terrorism more broadly, have influenced the making of the French counter-terrorist apparatus. This research provides a detailed overview and analysis of the concrete impact of these phenomena on the French counter-terrorist apparatus, and delves into the role played by key counter-terrorist actors through the preemptive and reactive measures that have been taken in order to counter the Islamic State. Further, this research looks at the implications of the dynamics existing between the Islamic State and France, and investigates the resulting limitations that affect France's counter-terrorist system, in terms of overall efficiency and, more importantly, regarding the respect of fundamental human rights. This paper suggests that further research should be conducted on this topic, in order to gain a proper understanding of the processes and dynamics that are at play in the elaboration of counter-terrorist measures aimed at providing appropriate answers to existing and upcoming threats.Show less
My master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on...Show moreMy master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on militant women is linked to women from Greek mythology: the monstrous Medusa, the magical mother Medea, and the misandrist Amazon Penthesilea. These women are opposites of the peaceful and beautiful Helen of Troy, who is the ‘ideal Western woman.’ From the archetypes I derived seven sub-frames: (1) Medusa brainwashed, (2) Medusa dangerous, (3) Medusa mental issues, (4) Medea supporting mother and wife, (5) Medea religion, (6) Penthesilea committed like men/ emancipation, (7) Penthesilea seeking husband/ romantic notion. From the changes over time and by country and newspaper I concluded that 2017 was a turning point in the framing of female militants. Female militants became more salient and their framing turned more agentive. Gender stereotypes became less dominant in the frame. However, framing in relation to religion stayed in the frames of newspapers. Religion remained essential to ‘other’ female militants from the norm of ‘good Western women.’Show less
After five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan...Show moreAfter five international attacks commited by Uzbek individuals in the name of Daesh in 2016 and 2017, many (news)articles have been quick to speak of a trend regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan and Central Asia. Research has shown that scholars either look at internal or external factors for the radicalization of Uzbek nationals. This study aims to explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh and if we can speak of a myth or a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Building on existing work on radicalization in Central Asia and Uzbekistan, this research both analyzes the internal and external factors. These internal and external factors have been applied on case studies of three Uzbek individuals committing the international attacks. The analysis was based on a literature research on the history of the region, the Uzbekistan state since 1991 onwards and migration from Central Asia towards Russia, and a textual analysis of (1) videos, messages, and websites, and (2) interviews of journalists with friends, neighbors and family members of the Uzbek individuals in the case study. In addition, the social movement theory and social psychology theory were applied accordingly. The results indicate that we should not speak of a phenomenon regarding radicalization in Uzbekistan. Besides, the case study shows that external factors particularly explain the apparent recent interest of Uzbek nationals to join Daesh. Nevertheless, internal factors could indeed explain other radicalization processes, such as why Uzbek nationals decided to join the Hizb ut-Tahrir and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.Show less
The September 11 attacks of 2001, alongside the bombings in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, are just some examples of terrorism that have been carried out in the name of Islam. These events have...Show moreThe September 11 attacks of 2001, alongside the bombings in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, are just some examples of terrorism that have been carried out in the name of Islam. These events have been heavily discussed and debated not only in the West, but globally regarding the use of Islam in committing terrorism. Hence, different scholars have touched upon the concept of Salafism in relation to modern-day terrorism but did not bring enough attention to how it has multiple uses in politics. This research sheds light on the methods of two very distinct political actors which were able to create social cohesion, attract followers and maintain a collective identity within their societies. Therefore, this research investigates how both the Islamic State and Saudi Arabia have used Islam as part of their propaganda strategy online to achieve political outcomes.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
This thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on...Show moreThis thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on theories about cooperation and competition between terrorist organisations. A study of the effects of these types of relationships, as well as a thorough account of the events leading up to the break in 2014, has furthermore given an insight into this difficult relationship. The thesis introduces the notion of a competitive alliance, combining competitive and cooperative aspects, to make sense of this divorce.Show less
The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
This thesis examines the reasons behind the appeal of Hizb ut-Tahrir in the UK between 1990 and 2000. Hizb ut-Tahrir is an transnational Islamic political party which seeks to establish an Islamic...Show moreThis thesis examines the reasons behind the appeal of Hizb ut-Tahrir in the UK between 1990 and 2000. Hizb ut-Tahrir is an transnational Islamic political party which seeks to establish an Islamic state. It also compares Hizb ut-Tahrir’s ideology with the ideology of key movements within political Islam: the Muslim Brotherhood and Jamaat-e-Islami. This research also touches upon the question why (young) Muslims born in a Western society are attracted to organisations with a radical goal. The main development that contributed to the popularity of Hizb ut-Tahrir is a combination of the following factors: the large-scale expulsion of Hizb ut-Tahir members in the Middle East; the liberty of association and freedom of speech included in a liberal democracy; racism towards British-born Muslims in the UK which led to segregation; the identity void among second generation Muslims in the UK and the efficient recruitment strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir on campuses and universities.Show less
In this thesis, I am analyzing the online media discourse on Rehana, a female fighter aganist the Islamic State. By applying different theoretical lenses such as critical discourse analysis and...Show moreIn this thesis, I am analyzing the online media discourse on Rehana, a female fighter aganist the Islamic State. By applying different theoretical lenses such as critical discourse analysis and semiotic analysis, I am criticially analyzing the representation of Rehana. Based on research on the representation of other female fighters, I am problematizing the effect of this representation on Rehana's agency. I argue that the media discourse on Rehana is undermining her agency by objectifying her through language and forcing her into fixed narratives informed by sexist and orientalist stereotypes instead of representing her justly.Show less
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
