The first elections after the anti-establishment Arab Spring protests resulted in a victory for Islamist political parties in a number of MENA countries. This came as a surprise to the West, which...Show moreThe first elections after the anti-establishment Arab Spring protests resulted in a victory for Islamist political parties in a number of MENA countries. This came as a surprise to the West, which points of view are known to contradict Islam with the democracy and civil liberties that the Arab Spring protests called for. It comes as no surprise then that Islamist political success is often contributed to the inclusion of these parties in a pluralist and democratic playfield. Allegedly, this forces them to bargain and negotiate with other actors, resulting in the disappearance of Islamist ideological elements and making them viable options for the electorate. This prominent way of thinking - which has been called the moderation through inclusion theory - is much critiqued for being too shortsighted in its view of political Islamism. That is why this thesis argues in favor of an alternative approach that shifts the focus from the outcome of a period of political transition and whether or not this is moderate, to one that emphasizes the processes and internal and external factors that shape the ideological transformations of these parties. By looking at the most prominent Islamist parties of three countries (Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt) and tracing their historical developments and contexts based on these internal and external factors, this thesis then offers an alternative explanation to the popularity of political Islamism in the first elections after the Arab Spring uprisings.Show less
This paper explores the concept of the Rational Actor as an explanation for the involvement of Western radical Islamists into non-violent lesser jihad, namely the jihad of the Pen or the Tongue....Show moreThis paper explores the concept of the Rational Actor as an explanation for the involvement of Western radical Islamists into non-violent lesser jihad, namely the jihad of the Pen or the Tongue. Using a qualitative thematic analysis of six first-hand accounts of non-violent radicals, the aim of the current study is to contribute to existing theory and evidence on non-violent radicalization. The findings of the study point out to three main ideas that shed light on this type of radicalization. Ultimately, jihad of the Pen or the Tongue emerges from rational decision-making rooted in different aspects of the individual’s life: his family and ideological background; his inherent physical and mental qualities; and the role of an external push for a rational choice. The findings contribute to a broader evidence-base on non-violent radicalization, whilst also providing a base from which novel descriptive and explanatory research can develop. Implications for those tasked with preventing radicalization in this way are also discussed.Show less
Muslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which...Show moreMuslim terrorism and radicalization have been topics of increasing concern in the West since the beginning of the 21st century. The rise of the Islamic State, commonly referred to as ISIS, which experienced a rapid and unexpected development after 2014, increased these widespread concerns related to Muslim terrorism and radicalization. This thesis tackles these topics from the perspective of France, a country that has been hardly hit by ISIS since 2014. Thus, the aim of this paper is to analyze how the Islamic State, and Muslim terrorism more broadly, have influenced the making of the French counter-terrorist apparatus. This research provides a detailed overview and analysis of the concrete impact of these phenomena on the French counter-terrorist apparatus, and delves into the role played by key counter-terrorist actors through the preemptive and reactive measures that have been taken in order to counter the Islamic State. Further, this research looks at the implications of the dynamics existing between the Islamic State and France, and investigates the resulting limitations that affect France's counter-terrorist system, in terms of overall efficiency and, more importantly, regarding the respect of fundamental human rights. This paper suggests that further research should be conducted on this topic, in order to gain a proper understanding of the processes and dynamics that are at play in the elaboration of counter-terrorist measures aimed at providing appropriate answers to existing and upcoming threats.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
Abstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform...Show moreAbstract: This thesis analyses the economic policies of three Islamist parties that have come to power in the aftermath of what has come to be known as the Arab Spring. Campaigning on a platform emphasizing social justice and wealth redistribution, these parties have likewise embraced neoliberal economic policies. This thesis investigates how the Egyptian Freedom and Justice Party, the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development have justified these two apparent contradictions and whether these parties perceive the latter as being antithetical to the former. On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, I conclude that the main channels through which these parties believe social justice and wealth redistribution are to be achieved in a neoliberal economy is through ‘trickle-down economics’ and wealth redistribution through zakat and other forms of individual charity. Evaluating the respective parties’ periods in power, one would have to conclude that as far as securing social justice is concerned, the reality is quite different from the campaign rhetoric. This has to some large extent been caused by demands raised by international financial institutions in exchange for loans to these countries, but likewise occurred prior to engaging in negotiations and eventually signing agreements with these institutions. Especially in the realm of labor laws, minimum wage laws, stimulating small and medium size enterprises and reducing subsidies on much needed consumer goods, the parties have not lived up to their earlier promises.Show less
Master thesis | Theology and Religious Studies (Master)
open access
In this master thesis I explore whether we can discover a link between the positions on nationalism and Nazism taken by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn and Sayyid Quṭb. In other words, does their particular...Show moreIn this master thesis I explore whether we can discover a link between the positions on nationalism and Nazism taken by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn and Sayyid Quṭb. In other words, does their particular redefinition of Egypt after independence from Britain lead them through a tunnel of love/hate, directly to the other end, i.e. a particular response to Nazism? Or is the path not necessarily as straight as we might think it to be?Show less
Research on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus,...Show moreResearch on the “new” crime-terror nexus points out a recent trend of criminals turning to Islamist terrorism in Western Europe, assumes this is due to an overlap of criminal and terrorist milieus, and argues this is significant because former criminals make more effective terrorists (Basra, Neumann & Brunner 2016). Despite being left out of Basra, Neumann and Brunner’s study, Bosnia’s militant Islamists possess well-developed criminal capabilities. This research draws on the explanatory power of the concept of legitimacy to analyze the development of the Islamist movement in Bosnia and how it uses crime. Through contextualizing and synthesizing open-source information on five post-war terrorist attacks in Bosnia, I argue that the leaders of the Bosnian Islamist movement have since the Bosnian War effectively established and drawn on local and international networks to recruit for and fund terrorist activity, thus diminishing the significance attributed by Basra, Neumann and Brunner to the role former criminals play in financing the Islamist movement and carrying out terrorism. This research encourages a reassessment of some of the main assertions of the new crime-terror nexus and suggests a need for its further study in Bosnia, a country of particular significance to the global jihadist movement.Show less
This thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its...Show moreThis thesis deals with the extent of which the government of Tajikistan has used the narrative of Islamist extremism and global terrorism in order to deprive its Islamic political opposition of its legitimacy and right to exist. In doing so, the Tajik government has made its final move towards the consolidation of its one-party rule over the former Soviet state. Firstly, the thesis' intention is to research how the Tajik government has used frames in order to undermine and crush its legal opposition. Second, it deals with the government’s general relation to religion in society, one which is mostly defined by unease and a wish to control Islam. It is argues that this second element has been crucial for the Tajik regime in order to effectively clear its political opponents. The main argument of this thesis is to demonstrate how, after years of relative political plurality, Tajikistan’s political dimension has shifted towards a one-party system with a closed political space.Show less
This thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on...Show moreThis thesis describes the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities embedded within the group’s political discourse and its ideological development since Hosni Mubarak’s presidency, on the topic of the nature of the state. Whilst originally rejecting liberal democratic values and a secular state altogether, the Brothers have since the 1980’s gradually adopted those values within their Islamist framework, and started participating in Egyptian politics. However, this approach led to significant ideological ambiguities on a number of central issues, such as the source of political authority (people or God?) and the role of shari’a (Islamic law) in society. By thorough analysis of the Brotherhood’s post-Mubarak political discourse on these issues, as well as taking into account government-Brotherhood relations, the Brotherhood’s internal dealings, and nationwide events, the writer contends that the Brotherhood’s ideological ambiguities remained firmly in place into the post-Mubarak era, hampering its ability to be a successful political actor in a post-Mubarak Egypt.Show less
